National Network and Action Proposals Submitted
Guidelines for the action and network proposals
Summary of all proposals, prepared by the Colorado Campaign for Middle East Peace (2/13/01).
| Network Ideas |
| Bay Area Coalition to End the Sanctions Against Iraq, Network Proposals, 2/6/01 |
Date this page was last updated: 04/16/01
Strategies to Create a More Peaceful and Just
Iraq, Ben Grosscup, 1/2/01
[The following are two sections form a paper Ben wrote
called, "Pursuing Justice and Peace in Iraq: Analysis of History and
Strategies for Action." For a full version: e-mail requests to Benmalone@aol.com]
WHERE TO START
As we examine how to respond to injustices in Iraq, we should start with an understanding and critique of the most frequently repeated suggestions. I've heard people suggest that we as Americans should target Saddam Hussein. At anti-sanctions demonstrations in which I've participated, passer-bys have told me that I should go protest in Iraq against Saddam Hussein. Another prominent group who suggests this strategy includes the Administrations of George Bush and Bill Clinton and columnist, Thomas Friedman of the New York Times. The ideological underpinning used to justify this is that Saddam is a threat to the United States' interests. U.S. strategy already reflects this assumption but still some in the U.S. government openly discuss assassinating Saddam Hussein and/or large scale bombing until Iraq completely surrenders.
Another common suggestion is helping the Iraqi people to overthrow Saddam Hussein. However, the only force that can legitimately overthrow the Iraqi Government is the Iraqi people themselves. Unfortunately, the most likely force that would try to overthrow the Iraqi Government today is the United States. If the U.S. got involved in aiding Iraqis in an overthrow strategy there would be an unavoidable conflict of interest. Minneapolis-based anti-sanctions activist, Marie Braun has called sanctions on Iraq "a case of enforced poverty and starvation" (Challenge to Genocide P.119). Under these sanctions, most Iraqi people are too busy worrying about feeding and supplying medicine to their children to build a meaningful resistance movement against the police state that governs their land and to build a new society. Therefore, as a first step I think we as residents of the United States must focus our strategies on ending the sanctions because they are the primary killer of Iraqis and the primary hindrance to real democracy in Iraq.
Once campaign opponents are identified, we should develop an understanding of our opponents' strategy. Here, I'd like to examine the strategy of the U.S. government and the powerful oil companies for whom it fights. I believe that in the eyes of U.S. foreign policy makers, under certain conditions, lifting the sanctions on Iraq would be desirable both politically and economically. From the U.S. Government's point of view, the current Iraq policy won't remain indefinitely because Iraq is full of oil from which U.S. oil corporations could potentially profit. However, the U.S. has access to many other sources of oil that a slightly reduced quantity of Iraqi oil does not entail a shortage for business to consume and to sell. Iraq now exports oil through the UN administered but U.S. dominated "Oil for Food" program. The program allows sanctions to continue while 1) creating the illusion that the U.S. government cares about the Iraqi people and 2) allows for oil exports to continue. This system decreases Iraqi regional power and replaces it with U.S. hegemony. This change is manifested in U.S. control over what Iraq buys and the enormous U.S. military presence in the Gulf.
The U.S. would much prefer full control over Iraqi oil. However, for this to occur, Iraq would have to privatize its oil industry and allow U.S. corporations to move in and begin manipulating the Iraqi oil industry for their purposes. Along with this would require a state in Iraq willing to do the bidding of the U.S. However, since 1978, Iraqi oil has been nationalized and along with this has been a trend of nationalism in Iraq whereby Iraqi resources have been used for the primary benefit of Iraqi people. U.S. policy on Iraq is about control over the oil resources, not necessarily about the quantity of the oil supply. That is why the sanctions regime as it is today is relatively acceptable to the U.S. government. Priority #1 which is containment of the disloyal Iraq and military control of the region has been accomplished. Priority #2 which is actually profiting from Iraqi oil resources has not yet occurred. To win everything that it wants, the U.S. will attempt to select its own leader for Iraq. Saddam Hussein will eventually die but he has already announced that his second son will take over. The "family's" control over Iraq seems imperiously solid at this time.
However, as this stalemate draws on, I think the U.S. will continue to exercise any means to form an Iraqi ruling class friendly to U.S. interests. This dynamic is already realized in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel. I believe the current U.S. strategy is to use its superior economic and military might to exert overwhelming military control of the region, then destabilize the Iraqi government and Iraqi society just enough to give the U.S. leverage in determining the Iraqi ruling class, but not so much that a change of power in Iraq occurs that the U.S. can't control.
DIVERSITY TACTICS AND STRATEGY WITHIN THE ANTI-SANCTIONS MOVEMENT
In most activist circles tactics and strategy get very confused. As I write this I am still learning the difference. So far, I have come to understand a tactic as a specific action an individual or group does in the attempt to create change. Examples include a vigil, a peaceful and vocal demonstration, a nonviolent blockade of a street or building, public education forums, voting, lobbying, sabotaging military and/or business endeavors, assassinations, and kidnapping. (If you object to one or more of these tactics you may already be losing sight of the fact that they are tactics. However, for the record, I do not condone the last two tactics mentioned and in some cases I condone the rest). A strategy is the broad plan for how to make change. Groups who focus on strategy and understand its distinction from tactics will develop a long term plan of how they want to promote change.
Rainforest Action Network has developed a long term campaign strategy spanning 500 years. Different groups have different strategies because of their diverse faith, values, and interests. Voices in the Wilderness (VITW), a pacifist group connected to the Catholic Worker movement, emphasizes nonviolence in their message and in virtually every action they take. The International Action Center (IAC), a socialist group that has its origins in the Worker's World Party, is similar to VITW in tactics but divergent in strategy. They are trying to build a revolutionary mass movement to make a non-pacifist communist revolution. The way this plays out is that the IAC advocates lifting all sanctions, with emphasis on lifting military sanctions. VITW and many other anti-sanctions groups generally do not emphasize this goal. The IAC says:
"The [anti-sanctions] movement here must ask itself--does Iraq have the right to defend itself against such attacks [U.S. British Bombing]? Does it have the right to lock its radar on hostile planes flying over its territory? Does it have the right to fire back?
If the movement supports "military sanctions"
against Iraq, then we are taking the side of the aggressor against the victims.
This approach implies that Iraq is somehow more "evil" than other
states and concedes that Washington has some justice on its side. Iraq has not
bombed the U.S. or Britain or anyone else. We must not fall in the trap of
blaming the victims.
(De-Linking Sanctions: A Wolf in Sheep's Clothing, www.iacenter.org)"
An important factual correction should be made here: Iraq has bombed Iran, Kuwait and Israel under the rule of Saddam Hussein. Due the pacifism of VITW, there is no push for arming Iraq so it can "defend itself" against American and British "hostile planes flying over [Iraqi] territory." Instead, VITW emphasizes nonviolent solutions. However, the two groups both agree that Iraq is not currently a military threat to its neighbors and that under military sanctions there would be a pretext for the United States and Britain to deny dual use items. Notably, other groups in the anti-sanctions movement like Human Rights Watch (HRW) and the pacifist Catholic group, Pax Christi, are calling very specifically for a continuation of military sanctions on Iraq (See Section 4, Human Rights Watch). In an add published in the New York Times Pax Christi states:
"We call upon the United Nations to end its hypocrisy by immediately lifting the economic sanctions against Iraq, leaving military sanctions intact;
We call upon the United States to take the lead on the U.N. Security Council by submitting a resolution calling for the immediate lifting of economic sanctions;
We call upon the Iraqi government to end human rights abuses and aggression throughout the region;
We call upon the governments of Iraq, the United States and all nations to cease production of weapons of mass destruction."
Asking the U.N. to "leave military sanctions intact" translates into the U.S. continuing its operations in the Gulf region. This is hardly a non-violent option. I include the rest of Pax Christi's call's just to show the obvious conflict between them and the IAC.
Kathy Kelly, co-founder of one of the first groups to resist
the economic sanctions against Iraq, Voices in the Wilderness, told me in
February 2000 that there are basically 3 different kinds of things we can be
doing right now to build a movement to lift the economic sanctions on Iraq:
1) Create media challenges. This includes creative and high
profile nonviolent actions that draw attention and meaningfully confront the
sanctions policy. Examples include fasting; holding vigils, rallies, and
demonstrations; taking trips to Iraq to break the sanctions and to bring token
amounts of humanitarian supplies; and doing civil disobedience at forbidden and
relevant areas like the White House and Air National Guard bases that send
missions to patrol the Iraqi "No-Fly Zones" and to bomb Iraq.
2) Advocate in the legislative and administrative areas of the
U.S. government and the UN. This primarily involves lobbying politicians and
other officials to change the sanctions policy.
3) Educate the public about Iraq. This involves sharing the stories of the people who are suffering in Iraq because of the sanctions and an analysis of U.S. foreign policy in the attempt to inspire action to lift the sanctions.
From this list of tactics, I infer that the strategy Kelly pursues is active nonviolence with an emphasis on changing the structure of U.S foreign policy on Iraq. There is also an element of parallel structure in the token but illegal shipments of humanitarian goods. I admire Kathy Kelly as an activist and friend, and though her suggestions are possibly the best we can do now, it reminds me how far we are away from fundamentally changing the way that the U.S. relates to Iraq and ultimately, the world. Kelly's strategy may be the most realistic but the actions she proscribed are limited to lifting the sanctions, and possibly building a radical movement for future action. I strongly believe that these two things are helping to create justice and peace in Iraq. However, her suggestions alone do not offer a strategy to dismantle the imperialistic exploitation system upon which U.S. foreign policy and the sanctions are based. The suggestions concentrate on reforming the current system (the corporate media and the government) to be more humane. I believe that political pressure can make such institutions reform their practices to be less harmful, but any strategy that allows them to continue existing will be limited to this reformist goal. However, campaigning for a reform of sanctions within a broader strategy of dismantling U.S. imperialism can mitigate suffering in the short term while building a radical ant-imperialist vision for the future.
TOWARDS A NEW STRATEGY OF RESISTANCE
Though complete lifting of sanctions on Iraq seems like a far-off and overwhelming task, I propose a fourth strategy that I believe would compliment this task and help to disable and then dismantle the system that creates the sanctions and other unjust policies. The strategy would be to make structural changes in society through active resistance (preferably nonviolent). A central aspect of what I propose is to "raise the political stakes in the streets." The idea would be to make the political price for continuing sanctions so high that the U.S. government will have to lift sanctions on the terms of the anti-sanctions resistance.
In the first stages, this strategy would be to physically and politically disrupt the institutions that benefit from the sanctions until all sanctions are lifted. This could involve tactics such as blockades and massive demonstrations at major government institutions like the State Department, Pentagon, and military bases. The movement could use similar tactics to follow U.S. officials who are responsible for the continuation of the sanctions with massive demonstrations and blockades (based on personal experience, there is more on this idea in Section Nine). Other tactics could include targeted property destruction of U.S. military facilities and weapons systems. Putting pressure on the entire military system could draw connections to the system behind U.S. militarism. A broad movement of autonomous groups can exert the collective pressure needed to smash U.S. imperialism. I believe that this strategy, though difficult to implement due to lack of participation and political will, and due the logistical and group dynamic difficulties always present in mass movement building, could compliment the strategy of the anti-sanctions movement to stop the destruction of U.S. foreign policy even if implemented on a scale short of a mass movement. A momentous victory such as lifting sanctions on activists' terms would lead to actions that challenge other aspects of U.S. imperialism.
The U.S. would lift sanctions on its own terms only as a means of gaining greater hegemony in the world. An example would be the U.S.' current deliberations over lifting the UN sanctions against Yugoslavia. Such possibilities only arose after the U.S.' enemy, Slobodan Milosovic lost power in October of 2000 to the so-called "Democratic Opposition."
I also propose that the movement seek to hold the U.S. Government accountable for Genocide in Iraq. A truth commission could be held to expose the suffering of the Iraqi people, the policy of the U.S. and how it has effected the Iraqi people. After this, I propose the movement ensures that the U.S. government pay massive reparations to the Iraqi people for the damage it has inflicted on them. One way for this to occur would involve litigation. If the U.S. could be prosecuted for genocide in Iraq, possibly a major payment of reparations could be awarded to the Iraqi people. U.S. controlled development programs, however, would be a conflict of interest and thus intolerable. Such an event would be totally unprecedented because usually the superior military force in a war (the U.S.) does not pay reparations to the underdog (Iraq). As unlikely as the enactment of a truth commission and reparations may seem, no meaningful reconciliation can occur without such a process.
EXPANDING THE STRATEGY OF RELIEF
Though sanctions seem to be on the decline, the mass of Iraqi
people are not yet meaningfully benefiting. Furthermore, I expect the
devastation of U.S. bombing and sanctions to persist long after sanctions on
Iraq are lifted. Therefore, along with the lofty goal of pursuing reparations,
one possible long term strategy would be to further develop the parallel
structures of aid and relief from concerned citizens of Western Countries
(mostly the U.S. and Britain). Groups who have been involved in this so far
include:
-Life for Relief and Development, a Michigan based NGO started by Iraqi
Americans. LIFE is focused on bringing direct aid to Iraq.
-Voices in the Wilderness, a Chicago based organization that has made over 30
delegations to Iraq. Almost all of these delegations have brought small amounts
of goods to Iraq to make the delegations an act civil disobedience, and to give
a symbolic gesture to the Iraqis about the group's sincerity to lift the
sanctions.
-The International Action Center is now organizing its fourth Iraq Sanctions
Challenge for January 12-19, of 2000. The 3 delegations thus far, have had
50-100 people that bring large quantities of medicine, but not large enough to
constitute a major relief program.
LONG TERM STRATEGIC VISION
For very long term strategies, I'm interested in building a
movement to make viable parallel structures in society so that we can live
autonomously from capitalist social and economic infrastructure. I envision that
such a movement would see resisting all forms of domination, exploitation, and
oppression as equally important to the building of alternatives. I would like to
see this movement hold as the long term vision the demise of statist structures
and the abolition of the corporate structure. Such a movement also involves
personal transformation so that we become what we want to see in our world.
SECTION 8, AN ACTION TO LIFT THE SANCTIONS
Since October 1998, when I first learned about the sanctions on Iraq, I have dedicated much of my life's work to lifting them. I have attended protests, marches, vigils; I traveled to Iraq in December 1999 to see the sanctions first hand, I have lobbied the U.S. Congress and the Senate; I have done public speaking engagements to share the stories from my trip; I have written about my experience for newsletters and newspapers, I have worked with alternative and mainstream news sources to try to get the issue of sanctions on Iraq into the public debate; I have helped to create a low powered radio station on which I have played talks and interviews of people who are critical of the sanctions on Iraq; and I helped organize a bike ride from Philadelphia to Washington D.C. to protest the sanctions and promote sustainable transportation outside the oil economy. Though I believe all of this is worthwhile work, none of these actions, have directly subverted the power structure that maintains the sanctions against Iraq.
On Friday, June, 9, 2000, I attempted to do something to this effect. On this day, President Bill Clinton came to Minnesota to Speak at a Fund Raiser. I had been coordinating with a local group called the Anti-War Committee who organized a demonstration, outside the Fine Line Cafe in Minneapolis where he was speaking, to voice opposition to Clinton's policies and to heighten visibility of the sanctions on Iraq and other acts of U.S. interventionism. As the demonstration was coming to a close and before Clinton began his speech, I learned that one of the organizers was offering 2 speaking event tickets that she received from someone who went to the event. I had long wanted the opportunity to directly confront Clinton or Secretary of State Madeline Albright about the U.S. policy against Iraq. I was certain that no one at the speaking event was questioning the U.S. for its responsibility in causing people to die in Iraq. I decided to try to enter and I asked if anyone else could come. A trusted friend, P.K., agreed to accompany me, call my parents should I get arrested, and explain my situation to allies to the best of his ability. I was hoping to get into the room where Clinton was speaking and then loudly shout out brief statements followed by questions to the effect of "5,000 Iraqi children will die this month because of the sanctions on Iraq! Why are you supporting this slaughter?" I was planning to do this with the full intention of nonviolently disrupting the speech to the maximum extent. I expected police to quickly take me from the cafe and possibly arrest me.
Much of the inspiration for this action came from the actions of Voices in the Wilderness (VITW). They have repeatedly disrupted talks given by Albright and other members of the Clinton Administration. I wish to help disrupt Clinton's public appearances to raise the political stakes that the U.S. administration faces by its continuation of the sanctions. Clinton encounters relatively little questioning of this policy. Therefore, I wish to transform this reality through nonviolent resistance. When particularly well developed, such resistance can shut down the system that creates the injustice, though resisters may require months or years of planning. Radical nonviolent resistance is the way I challenge injustice because it affirms the humanity of the person who is doing evil while challenging the evil itself. I also hope that others will find radical nonviolent ways to resist injustice because I believe it can truly transform injustice.
The circumstances of the protest were unfavorable to the protesters. Tickets to the event itself cost $100. Police were well organized and they outnumbered protesters. Despite the organizers' hard work in deciding what tactics to use, when police demanded that the group move from the location across the street from the Fine Line where the demonstration had been happening, the group lacked the resolve to resist the demand. I believe, however, that if the community had adequately organized themselves, people could have totally disrupted Clinton's speaking engagement. I believe that this could most effectively occur with a broad coalition of diverse groups working closely with each other. However, credit is due to the people who did do something to protest Clinton's policies. With very few resources and short notice, the Anti- War Committee and others were able to mobilize a successful demonstration, which was a step towards creating resistance that could shut down similar speaking events in the future. Such a demonstration would have set a precedent that people could revoke Clinton's ability to travel in massive motorcades and helicopters while employing numerous security guards at significant public expense to express half truths and distortions about the way the world is. Activists in Seattle set such a precedent on November 30, 1999, when they successfully shut down the first day of the World Trade Organization's (WTO) meetings where representatives of states and corporations would have otherwise begun discussing strategies to further liberalize world trade. Since the WTO protests, groups and coalitions around the United States are increasingly attempting to disrupt the meetings and regular business of organizations that hurt the public while lacking public accountability. The summer of 2000 saw massive protests at the Organization of American States (OAS) in Windsor, Canada; the Republican National Convention in Philadelphia; and the Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles. On September 11, 2000, massive protests disrupted the World Economic Forum in Melbourne, Australia. On September 26, thousands of activists converged in the Czech Republic to protest and disrupt the International Monitory Fund and the World Bank (IMF and WB) during their second biannual summit of 2000. Resistance is being planned against the Free Trade Area Agreement (FTAA) when it meets in Quebec City on April 15, 2001. I hope that raising my voice to question Clinton's policies on Iraq would be one small step towards building a movement of radical resistance against domination and imperialism.
It is important to understand that usually when resisters use such disruptive tactics, and especially when they succeed in disrupting "business as usual," the state generally intervenes with extreme violence. In the United States when groups or individuals protest by holding signs and chanting slogans, usually the state does not respond violently. However, the violence that police forces unleashed against protesters who disrupted the WTO's meetings in Seattle would certainly be similar to what they would use against protesters trying to disrupt a presidential fundraising event for the Democratic Party.
I was unable to enter the area where Clinton was giving his speech. Organizers of the event turned away approximately thirty people citing "safety regulations" and "security concerns." However, even without these so called regulations and concerns, I believe I still would have had difficulty getting inside. As I stood in line to enter the cafe, I watched a police officer point at me and look at me while talking to a man whom I assumed was a Secret Service agent. I had seen the police officer earlier at the demonstration when he demanded that protesters move to the side of where they were holding their demonstration, and as he oversaw the arrest of one of the demonstration organizers. A few minutes later, a secret service officer came up to P.K. and me and told us that we did not pay for our tickets, a fact I did not want him to know. He went on to say that, "Six of your people [anti-Clinton demonstrators] are inside already." Then he asked P.K. and me whether the people he mentioned would be "any trouble." We responded truthfully that we did not "know of anybody inside." He then sarcastically explained that we would not be allowed inside but that this was superfluous because the crowd was too big anyway. I concluded that the police officer had seen me protesting and then explained to the Secret Service agent not to permit my entrance.
I hope that more people take actions designed to strategically disrupt the system and work of the people who continue the sanctions on Iraq in the attempt to stop the harmful policies that result. I would feel most comfortable with actions that employ radical and confrontational nonviolence. I also would like activists to strive to create space for a variety of tactics, but never to manipulate others to get involved with actions with which they are not wishing to participate.
Middle East Task Force Proposal: CAMPAIGN TO END THE
SANCTIONS IN IRAQ, 1/3/01
Described below is a outline for a long-term, systematic campaign
to end the economic sanctions against the people of Iraq. The
"Declaration" and "Purpose and Goals" was approved by the
Middle East Task Force on 2/16/99, and we have submitted it to other local
organizations for their consideration. Please consider this a working draft, and
send any suggestions for additions, revisions, etc. to me at wthomson@umich.edu,
or 874 Belfield Circle, Ann Arbor, MI 48104, phone/fax (734) 662-2216. Also
please forward this document to any relevant parties.
While this is described in terms of the Ann Arbor/Ypsilanti/SE Michigan community, it is expected that this framework could be exported to other areas. Remember Tip O'Neill's famous dictum that "all politics is local".
What we envision for this campaign is that it be informative, confrontive, persistent, empowering, and most of all, successful.
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A DECLARATION OF CONSCIENCE
1. We, the undersigned, believe that the current US-led and UN-imposed sanctions against the people of Iraq are immoral and genocidal.
2. While we do not condone many of the actions of the current leadership of Iraq, we recognize that the citizens of Iraq who are suffering under the sanctions are powerless to affect their government. We believe that sanctions constitute a form of collective punishment banned under international law (UN Charter, Geneva Convention of 1977--Covenant Against Genocide), and banned under US law as terrorism defined by the US Legal Code (Title 18'2331).
3. We are concerned that each day 250 Iraqis, primarily children and the elderly, die from want of basic food and medicine, unavailable because of the sanctions. (UNICEF--4/98)
4. We believe that the current sanctions policy, which has already killed well over a million Iraqis (UN Report--9/97), constitutes genocide.
5. We believe that our government has embarked upon a deadly policy from which it is unable to extricate itself.
6. We fear that the judgment of history will be unkind to those of us who stood idly by and allowed this carnage to continue in our name without protest.
7. Therefore, we declare that we will be considering all nonviolent means at our disposal to bring these sanctions to an end.
8. We pledge to remain nonviolent, but confrontive, in our efforts.
9. We call upon our friends and colleagues in Ann Arbor, Ypsilanti and other Southeastern Michigan communities to join us in this effort.
10. We challenge the religious communities in Ann Arbor and Ypsilanti to examine their basic beliefs and assist us in leading this effort.
11. Since the effects of the sanctions are centered in health issues, we call upon the medical, mental health, and public health communities to join in our effort.
12. We call upon the City Councils of Ann Arbor and Ypsilanti to issue statements against the sanctions.
13. We call upon Representatives Lynn Rivers and Debbie Stabenow, and Senators Carl Levin and Spencer Abraham to support our endeavors by taking action in the House and Senate to end the sanctions and to reassert the Constitutionally-mandated power of Congress to declare war.
14. We hope that our efforts here at home will provide inspiration for individuals of conscience throughout the country and the world to take action to end the sanctions and bring relief to the suffering citizens of Iraq.
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PURPOSE and GOALS
The primary goal of this campaign is to end the economic sanctions against the people of Iraq. We hope to achieve this outcome by informing the media and Southeastern Michigan citizenry about the sanctions, and by encouraging these groups in turn to pressure appropriate decision-makers for change.
Additional goals include:
Provide support for our Arab and Muslim neighbors and colleagues.
Organize, energize, and empower local, state and national citizens of conscience to address this issue now and related issues in the future.
Provide an additional successful model of nonviolent confrontation of social/political injustice.
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DECLARATION, PURPOSE and GOALS Endorsed by:
Middle East Task Force of the Interfaith Council for Peace and Justice: METF plans educational events about peace and justice in the Middle East, promotes dialog and action within the religious community, and offers support to various peace groups working on Middle East issues.
PREVENT: PREVENT is an Ann Arbor/Ypsilanti area coalition organized to prevent continued war and sanctions against Iraq.
ADDITIONAL ENDORSEMENTS: Interfaith Council for Peace and Justice (ICPJ) Steering Committee, Disarmament Working Group of ICPJ, the Ann Arbor/Ypsilanti Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, Veterans for Peace, the Ann Arbor Peace Team, Students Organizing for Labor and Economic Equality, Huron Valley Greens, Ann Arbor Human Rights Commission, Ann Arbor Friends.
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SUPPORTING MATERIALS
A. ASSETS (Ann Arbor-Ypsilanti/Southeast Michigan)
1. We have here a large group of dedicated citizens who have been active for many years in social action on a variety of issues.
2. We have at least two organized groups, Prevent and the Middle East Task Force, who have been active on the Iraq issue.
3. Southeastern Michigan has the largest concentration of Arabic and Middle Eastern peoples in the United States.
4. We have a progressive and well-educated citizenry.
5. We have 1,226 area citizens who signed our 2/19/98 ad against the bombing of Iraq. (We also have a potential mailing list from these signers).
6. We have a number of members of the local religious community who signed our February ad, many of whom were extraordinarily helpful in collecting signatures and funds.
7. We have some members of the Ann Arbor City Council who would be supportive. The Michigan Student Assembly also recently passed a resolution against the sanctions.
8. We have five Members of Congress (Dave Bonior, John Conyers, Carolyn Kilpatrick, Lynn Rivers and Bart Stupak) who signed the Conyers letter of last spring. There are at least two others (John Dingell and Debbie Stabenow) who I believe would also be supportive of our proposed efforts.
9. We have Bishop Thomas Gumbleton, as well as a number of others in our community who are able to present articulate and first-hand accounts of the situation in Iraq.
10. We have contacts with the local media which could be utilized.
11. We have publications on the situation in Iraq that can be readily prepared for distribution.
12. We have an extensive email communications network in place.
13. We have finances available to us.
14. I believe that we could access certain members of the legal community for support.
15. We have a situation of full jails in the area, so that those who are willing to be arrested could create interesting pressures.
16. We have a well-educated and progressive police depart ment and prosecutors office.
17. There are a number of groups in the Detroit/SE Michigan area, as well as in the Lansing (and other MI areas) with whom we could coordinate.
B. Immediate Tasks
1. Form committees/working groups:
a. STEERING - Consisting of the heads of the various
committees described below. Primary task is to decide upon overall strategy and
tactics and to coordinate the activities of the various committees.
b. DATABASE - Primary task is to initiate and maintain the database. Database
should contain name, address, phone, email, fax and areas of interest.
c. PUBLICATIONS - Primary tasks are to prepare publications
for mailing (to find the "worker bees" and identify their relevant
skills and interests), for soliciting assistance/funds, for passing out to the
public.
d. LIAISON - Primary task is to coordinate with local, state/province, national
and international groups for mutual support and exchange of information.
e. PROJECTS/DEMONSTRATIONS - Primary tasks are to set up projects (speakers,
teach-ins, etc.) and demonstrations.
f. TRAINING - Primary task is to train individuals in various forms of
nonviolent, confrontive protest.
g. RELIGIOUS - Primary task is to contact the religious community and elicit its
support. THIS IS PERHAPS THE MOST CRUCIAL TASK!!
h. HEALTH - Primary task is to contact the medical, mental health and public
health communities and elicit their support.
i. VETERANS - Primary task is to contact the veterans community and elicit its
support.
j. EDUCATION - Primary task is to contact the various education communities and
elicit their support.
k. MEDIA - Primary task is to inform and pressure the media, as well as to
identify and pressure other decision-makers (e.g., politicians).
l. LEGAL - Primary task is to identify support in the legal community and
arrange for pre-arrest information and post-arrest assistance.
m. FINANCE - Primary task is to raise and distribute funds.
n. OFFICE - Remember that "the job is never over 'till the paper work is
done". Primary task is to provide logistical support to the overall
campaign, including (especially) mailings.
2. Put the names of the 2/19/98 ad signers into a database.
(DATABASE)
3. Prepare a mailing to the signers of the ad, as well as to other lists (e.g., Interfaith, email lists) in which we advertise the Halliday/Bennis (3/13) and Gumbleton (3/30 or 4/12) talks, request people to join working groups, and request funds. In particular, it is crucial that we begin to identify the "worker bees". (PUBLICATIONS, OFFICE)
4. Identify groups (with email addresses, if possible) with which we need to coordinate. The purpose here is to learn from each other and provide mutual support. The following list comes to mind (please fill in the email addresses below if you have them).
(LIAISON) LOCAL Agenda <lormand@umich.edu>
Ann Arbor Peace Team <peaceteam@umich.edu>
Interfaith Council for Peace and Justice
Interfaith Roundtable
Middle East Task Force <icpj-metf@umich.edu>
Muslim Students' Association of the U of M <msa-
exec@umich.edu>
Palestine Aid Society/Local
Prevent <prevent@umich.edu>
STATE
American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee <ihamad@aol.com>
Detroit Anti-Racist Action
Groundwork for a Just World
International Action Center/Detroit
International Relief Association/St. Clair Shores
Islamic House of Wisdom
Jam Rag
LIFE for Relief and Development/Detroit
Metro Detroit Against Sanctions <jbnels@gateway.net>
Michigan Committee on Jerusalem
Michigan Peace Team <michpeacteam@igc.apc.org>
Michigan PsySR
National Association of Arab & Chaldean Businesswomen
Pax Christi
Peace Action of Michigan <peaceactmich@earthlink.net>
Peace and National Priorities Center of Oakland County
Solidarity
U.S. Peace Council
Women's Action for New Directions
Women's Conference of Concerns
Women's International league for Peace & Freedom
NATIONAL/INTERNATIONAL
American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) <nmohamad@adc.org>
American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) <plems@afsc.org>
Amnesty International <memcom@aiusa.org>
Christian Peacemakers Teams <cpt@igc.apc.org>
Ecumenical Relief Service of the Middle East Council of Churches
Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR) <dhostetter@igc.org
Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) <PBENNIS@compuserve.com>
International Action Center <iacenter@iacenter.org>
Jerusalem Fund for Education and Community Development <jfcpap@palestinecenter.org>
Jubilee Partners
Mennonite Central Committee (MCC) < rlp@mcc.org>
MennoLink < Jon.Harder@MennoLink.org>
National Gulf War Resource Center
Palestine Aid Society/National
Pax Cristi, USA <dave@paxchristiusa.org>
Peace Action <paexec@igc.org>
Psychologists for Social Responsibility <psysrl@wheatonma.edu>
Veterans for Peace
Voices in the Wilderness <kkelly@igc.apc.org>
War Resisters League <wrl@igc.apc.org>
5. Identify the local groups that we are trying to reach and
determine strategies for doing so. (MEDIA)
Ann Arbor City Council
Ann Arbor Police Department
Ann Arbor Prosecutors Office
Ann Arbor News
Ann Arbor Observer
Detroit Newspapers, Radio and TV
Members of House/Senate
Michigan Daily
Michigan Student Assembly (they have called for a teach-in)
WAAM
WEMU
WUOM
Ypsilanti City Council
Ypsilanti Police Department
Ypsilanti Prosecutors Office
6. Prepare for the Halliday/Bennis and Gumbleton presentations. (PROJECTS, DATABASE, RELIGIOUS, HEALTH, MEDIA, OFFICE)
7. Initiate contact with the religious community, especially
those that we want to meet with Bishop Gumbleton in March. Another important
task of this group is to identify the religious groups (e.g., the Pope) that
have already taken an official stand with regard to the sanctions. (RELIGIOUS)
8. Initiate contact with the medical, mental health, and public health communities, especially those that we might want to meet with Bishop Gumbleton in March. Initial contact might be made through "Physicians/Psychologists/Others??? for Social Responsibility"-type organizations. (HEALTH)
9. Raise some initial funds ($5,000??) for supplies, mailings, legal defense, etc. (FINANCE)
10. Consider other actions/demonstrations. The following have
been suggested and/or are already under way:
(PROJECTS/DEMONSTRATIONS, RELIGIOUS, TRAINING)
a. Placement of the above Declaration in Agenda, the Ann Arbor Observer and the
Ann Arbor News.
b. Talking with individual religious leaders.
c. Talking with individual health leaders.
d. Talking with religious social action committees/groups.
e. Leaflet churches.
f. Consider arrests/jail/fasting.
g. Letters and Op-Eds.
h. Sister city action (e.g., Basra) by City Council.
i. Chain fast with other US cities.
j. Participation in the One Million signature campaign, the 5000 dolls campaign
and other national projects
Desert Concerns Action proposals, 1/6/01 & revised 2/5/01:
1) PROPOSAL FOR LOBBYING LIBERAL JEWISH FAITH ORGANIZATIONS
by Philippa Winkler, of Desert Concerns
We believe that certain publications (Tikkun) and certain Jewish faith organizations that have a liberal bent would be open to hearing about the impacts of sanctions on Iraq. This effort should come from jewish people, in the form of letter writing, opinion/editorials, emails and other forms of communication. The reason for this: Israel has declared itself neutral on sanctions on Iraq, which is tantamount to condoning them. I'll touch on the main reasons for this: hostile relations with Saddam Hussein since the bombing of the Iraqi reactor in 1992, Iraq's support of the Palestinians resisting Israel.
2) PROPOSAL FOR LOBBYING COUNTRIES AT THE UN COMMISSION ON
HUMAN RIGHTS IN MARCH
I hope many of you have seen the UN Sub-Commission on the
Protection of Human Rights SC Resolutions 2000/25 and 112 saying that sanctions
on Iraq are in violation of the Geneva Conventions etc. I have circulated these
and the Bossuyt report that lobbied for these Resolutions. These are substantial
victories, and the resolution SC 2000/25 will now proceed to the UN Commission
on Human Rights, where 56 countries will vote on them. The US and UK will do
everything
they can to prevent them from being approved at the Commission. Actions:
1) quote the Resolutions whereever possible in press releases, emails etc, when
lobbying.
2) Give support to the lead attorney on these resolutions, Karen Parker.
3) If possible, find a credentialled NGO to attend the Commission in Geneva to
participate in lobbying.
4) Lobby Congresspeople to lobby the State Dept to vote for the Resolution.
Laurel Severns, AFSC, Action proposal, 1/4/01: I was at a meeting in which someone (Phyllis Bennis??) mentioned in passing that we should start a campaign of calling the State Department daily to ask what military action had been taken on Iraq that day, and demand that it be reported and accessible to the public if it isn't already. I've always thought that was a good idea...maybe we could discuss a strategy for this at the meeting.
Ingrid Swenson, Pax Christi, Florida Chapter, Action Proposal, 1/8/01 * revised 2/4/01
* OBJECTIVE(S) The basic goal is to have a well informed activist network that can promote a just, humane US foreign policy toward Iraq . This involves developing a national network with a broader context than simply ending a humanitarian crisis in Iraq due to the sanctions
Thus far the main emphasis of the anti sanctions movement has been to end the humanitarian crisis in Iraq, by ending the economic sanctions, a reasonable priority. However, US foreign policy directed against Iraq has other strategies besides the sanctions that are as destructive, and potentially more destructive than the sanctions. For example, if some controlling the US government have their way, starting a civil war in Iraq, dismembering the country into non-viable nation states, these 10 years of sanctions will be viewed as the good old days by the Iraqis.
* TIMELINE
Beginning during this conference, expand the focus of the national network being
established beyond just ending the economic sanctions to ending all hostile,
destructive US actions against Iraq. That would include opposing:
1. all sanctions (smart as well as dumb sanctions)
2. bombing,
3. military assaults,
4. efforts to overthrow govt of Iraq and install a US puppet regime including
use of a Kurdish puppet state to destablize Iraq
5. efforts to dismember Iraq, including the existence of the non-fly zones and creation of a Kurdish state to serve as a base for US operations against Iraq
6. reparations extracted from Iraq (ending them period, not just reducing the percent of Iraq's income confiscated for reparations)
and would include promoting:
1. some factual information about Iraq that is closer to the
truth than the propaganda machine which started before the Gulf War and
continues to this day (and unfortunately, shows promise of
continuing into the future) e.g. the last 100 years of Iraqi-Kurdish history;
the use of the Kurds by the US, Iran and Israel to destablize Iraq in the last 4
decades .....Kuwaiti-Iraqi history over the last 100
years...the circumstances in Iraq before the Gulf War...need to understand the
whys and what happened rather than just parrot back the rhetoric and spin of
those controlling the US government and their pseudo intellectual think tanks.
Many references can be found in the public library system of this country as
well as sites on the Internet.
2. Iraq's full restoration as an independent member of the international community..no US control of its resources....not a US colony under the pretence of a UN protectorate
3. Critiques of Iraq's human rights record, leadership etc in the context of the international status of human rights, treatment of dissidents, control of civil strife, treatment of those who attempt to assassinate national leaders, use of the death penalty, torture, suppression of individuals opposing govt policies
4. Disarmament of Iraq in the context of international disarmament and monitoring not as a special case
5. reparations to Iraq for crimes against humanity, committed by the coaliton forces, primarily the US and Britain....including DU and destruction of the civilian infrastructure
* PARTICIPATION this will constitute a national action since groups at local, regional and national levels will need to become more informed about the issues to be able to become more proactive in promoting a new and improved US foreign policy toward and not against Iraq. It will also require a broadening of perspective among the network
* EVALUATION the effectiveness of the action would be measurable in terms of the impact on US foreign policy toward Iraq, not just the sanctions
Some background thoughts:
Judging the rationality vs irrationality of the US policy and actions against
Iraq requires some consideration of what outcomes are desired by the policy
makers. If we assume that their stated outcomes are truly the outcomes they
desire, their policies seem quite irrational...Hence, we need to consider other
outcomes which are clearly served by the sanctions and other actions of the US
policy makers....such as the destruction of Iraq as a nation, dividing it into
non-viable nation states, creating irreconciliable animosities between the Arab
states to be sure there is no unity and solidarity among them. Anti sanctions
activist keep saying "the sanctions aren't working"...they aren't
working to achieve the publicly stated goals of our policy makers ,but they are
definitely "working" to produce some very damaging outcomes in Iraq
and the rest of the Arab nations....e.g. economic damage and damaged relations.
.I believe those in power, dedicated to destroying Iraq through sanctions and
other means are intelligent enough to be aware that the sanctions and their
other actions are very successful ( 5,000 dead people a month should not be
dismissed as ineffective if you are interested in destroying a people quietly)
People in the anti sanctions movement need to get beyond
focusing on just on the humanitarian crisis...and alleviating the humanitarian
crisis....Iraqis need more than just enough food for their minimal daily caloric
requirements...and pencils and some low tech health care...they are entitled to
pursue an improved quality of life, unhindered by US sanctions, destabilization
and other destructive actions, influence and choose their own government. They
are not obliged to come up with a
government that suits a select group of American politicians, bureaucrats,
corporate leaders and ex-patriots from Iraq. Preserving the national sovereignty
of Iraq means preserving the sovereignty of its people to determine their own
destiny....not imposing a puppet regime in Iraq under the guise of saving the
Iraqi people from their own government. Some in the anti economic sanctions
movement even engage in parroting back the rhetoric of the propaganda machine
with no rational analysis of circumstances.. ..this is very destructive, b/c as
long as the image of Iraq is perpetuated as the most evil nation on earth, with
a president who is the most evil human on earth, the destruction of Iraq will go
on...recall that the statements of all our govt officials justify their actions,
killing Iraqi civilians, b/c the leadership of Iraq is so unique in the world.
Remember the "better dead than red " philosophy and why we had to
destroy the village to save it philosophy in Vietnam????
simply using one liners like "the sanctions hurt the
Iraqi children more than Saddam Hussein" Has there ever been a country on
this planet where the rich did not fare better than the poor in times of
crisis??? Slogans like "sanctions strengthen Saddam" "and
"sanctions aren't achieving their goal" indirectly support the current
US policy which says there is no limit on how many Iraqis will be killed to
achieve the goal to destroying Iraq as a sovereign nation. Would the people who
mouth these
one liners approve of 5, 000 children being killed every month if they knew
Saddam Hussein had to do with less b/c of the sanctions? Would they approve of
killing 5,000 children a month for a few more years in the hope that the Iraqi
people will agree to accept a puppet dictated by the US Dept of State???
The Defend Affirmative Action Party ACTION Proposal, 1/10/01
Greetings to all our fellow opponents of the sanctions. We look forward to the progress we can achieve together.
The AIM OF THE CONFERENCE should be the formation of a
democratic, national organization that will coordinate and escalate the struggle
against the sanctions. This democratic, national organization should strive to
be the dynamic center of a growing mass movement.
===========================
**Action campaign proposals**
===========================
1) PETITION
We should aim at collecting 4,000,000 signatures on a petition against the sanctions. We should turn the petition drive into a national education campaign as well as a tool to mobilize pressure on the government. The abolitionist movement in America in the 1840s and 1850s used the petition tactic to organize their movement with great success; we should use that model.
Sample petition language: "We, the undersigned, call for
an immediate end of the economic sanctions, blockade and bombings against Iraq.
These US government actions taken together have cost the lives of hundreds of
thousands of innocents-largely children, the sick and the elderly. Let Iraq
live."
2) GLOBAL DAY OF ACTION to Liberate Iraq from Economic Sanctions
Choose a day 4 to 6 months from now and start building it around the world via the internet. A globally coordinated day of street demonstrations is within our reach and would maximize pressure on the other governments of the world that are cool on the sanctions (e.g. France) and pressure them to break ranks with the Pentagon. A call put out from American people to protest the US government's oppression of our sisters and brothers in Iraq will inspire solidarity and support around the world. Post downloadable Global Day of Action flyer, the petition, model resolutions, etc. on a website.
(We very much agree that the Seattle model is something the conference should aim at. One Seattle in America against the sanctions and we would be a huge step closer to liberating Iraq from the sanctions.)
3) Initiate a massive education campaign across the country (in high schools, colleges, workplaces, unions, local communities and among progressive religious groups).
4) Coordinate and build large regional actions beginning ASAP.
The Defend Affirmative Action Party NETWORK STRUCTURE Proposal, 1/10/01
Greetings to all our fellow opponents of the sanctions. We look forward to the progress we can achieve together.
The AIM OF THE CONFERENCE should be the formation of a
democratic, national organization that will coordinate and escalate the struggle
against the sanctions. This democratic, national organization should strive to
be the dynamic center of a growing mass movement.
===========
**Structure**
===========
* Democratic national organization with a large (15?, 21?) elected national steering committee charged with carrying out tasks and organizing the campaigns, etc., between national conferences.
* National Steering Committee elected at and by the conference from the conference at large.
* National conferences as the highest body.
* All decisions and elections made by democratic majority vote.
* Regional Subcommittees (grouped as will be practical and useful).
* Task Committees (Conference, Day of Action, Petition, Website, Media/Publicity, etc., as practical and useful).
* Another national conference within 12 (8?) months.
* Anti-sanctions organizations should be asked to affiliate to the national organization if they agree with our principles, our action campaigns and are acting in accordance with those principles.
Why not the spokes council model for a leading body? Because it is less democratic, less representative, less accountable and less centralized (yes, centralization is part of what we need). If the leading body is just a collection of the local leaders/spokes then the leaders/spokes are accountable organizationally ONLY to their local constituents, not to the movement as a whole. With the federation/spokes council model, the voice a conference attendee has in affecting the national leadership personnel is through their local leader/spoke position ONLY. So a leader/spoke from Columbus, Ohio has no direct accountability to anyone outside their Columbus group even though they will be part of a NATIONAL leading body representing a NATIONAL organization and a NATIONAL movement. This is undemocratic. A federation is weaker than a united organization both because it is less democratic and because it is less accountable.
A leadership of a democratic, national organization ought to be fully accountable to the whole movement. If the leaders are to be maximally accountable to the movement, they must be elected by the movement as a whole-they must face the scrutiny and earn the trust of the movement as a whole. The leading body ought to be elected at the end of the conference by the conference and from the all conference attendees.
============
**Principles**
============
We propose the following principle/mission statement:
**
We call for an immediate end of the economic sanctions, blockade and bombings
against Iraq. Let Iraq live.
We will pursue the end of the sanctions and military actions
against Iraq through an aggressive, long-range campaign of mass public education
and mass action. This activity will include petitions, forums, conferences,
pickets, vigils, demonstrations, rallies, marches, and teach-ins, etc.
**
This conference will include followers of Gandhi and King and followers of Lenin and Malcolm X, therefore ambiguity and compromise on the questions of method will be necessary. We urge NO declaration of either "pacifism" or "militancy". There will be disagreement on this question, yet we are stronger together.
Turnwind Network Proposal, 1/16/01
PROPOSAL TO ESTABLISH A COMMITTEE ON BUILDING AND STRENGTHENING THE ANTI-RACIST COALITION
Turnwind proposes that the creation of any kind of national
newtwork or organization to end the sanctions that results from this conference
include a special Committee on Building and Strengthening the Anti-Racist
Coalition. The task of this committee ould be to facilitate the broadening of our movement to end the racist US/UN
sanctions on Iraq by actively linking our work with the larger struggle against
racism. This would be done mainly by increasing our support for other
anti-racist movements while soliciting support from these same movements, and by
encouraging the formation of coalition work and coordinated actions toward more
general pressure against all forms of racism.
We propose that each co-sponsoring group of the 2nd National Organizing Conference on Iraq choose one representative to be a part of this committee, and that these representatives meet together at least once during the body of the conference. This committee would meet together by phone or through the email at least every quarter, and together annually at the national conferences, to present proposals and reports to the national network/organization. Meanwhile, affiliate groups would include at each meeting some discussion regarding building the anti-racist movement and coalition and how this relates to ending the sanctions on Iraq. Members of the committee would take a special nurturing role in their communities toward building this coalition locally.
Turnwind's Action Proposal, 1/16/01
TURNWIND PROPOSAL FOR A DAY OF RESISTANCE TO RACIST WAR
Turnwind recognizes that the majority of those who have died
and are suffering the most intense effects of sanctions against Iraq are working
class and poor persons. We recognize that the US military has a history of
targeting people of color, from the wars waged against this nation's native
people to the aggressions we wage against Iraq and sponsor against the Colombian
and Palestinian people, to the military's partnership with the Border Patrol in
creating a war zone against undocumented workers. We also recognize that a
state of war exists against people of color in this nation, especially against
African-American people, which is carried out through racial profiling, regular
instances of racially motivated police brutality, and disproportionately high
incarceration rates without adequate counsel or due process of law, especially
on Death Row. Therefore, we propose that the National Organizing Conference on
Iraq initiate a call for a national Day of Resistance to Racist War, on a date
to be chosen no earlier than 12 months and no later than 18 months from the
close of the conference, February 18,2001.
By way of building and joining with a broad, mass movement against racism and all oppressions aimed at working and poor people, we urge each co-sponsoring group of the conference to set up sub-committees on racist repression which will actively seek to work in coalition with and give support to the efforts of other organizations involved in anti-racist struggle, and which will solicit and encourage support and sponsorship for the Day of Resistance to Racist War.
We propose adoption of the following statement as a guide and a base around which to organize for this day, and as a statement to be presented to all levels of US/state/county/municipal government offices, particularly those which make and enforce laws and/or military actions.
A DAY OF RESISTANCE TO RACIST WAR
There is a pattern of systematized racist aggression and repression at all levels of US government. This occurs from a local to an international scale. The Iraqi children who suffer the effects of war and sanctions; the undocumented workers seeking a decent job who often encounter beatings, rapes, and even murder at the hands of a power-intoxicated Border Patrol working in partnership with the US military; the many people of color who routinely are the targets of racial profiling and brutal abuse at the hands of law enforcement; the communities of color and working class communities whose water, air and land are poisoned by military-industrial pollution (environmental racism); the Palestinian child shot down with American made weaponry in the hands of an occupation soldier; the indigenous communities in Colombia who are attacked with American made weaponry in the hands of a soldier fighting a phony "war on drugs"; the disproportionately high incarceration of people of color, especially on Death Row, who are routinely denied adequate counsel or due process of law : these are just a few of the many who are targeted by systematic and violent racism, a repression which amounts to a US sponsored war against people of color and, indeed, against working people in general. We know that this racist repression, is aimed at the disempowerment and control of the many to benefit the greed and lifestyles of a privileged few.
It is time that we take matters into our own hands.
WE THE PEOPLE DEMAND THAT THIS STOP!
We demand that all levels of US government and law enforcement, from the
smallest town hall to the halls of Washington DC, adopt and vigorously pursue
fulfillment of the following steps to ending racist repression:
1. We must end US military expansionism. From its wars against
this continent's native people to the current war against Iraq and the US
sponsored aggressions against the Colombian and Palestinian people, the US
military has primarily targeted its aggressions against people of color. We must
--end the war and the sanctions on the people of Iraq;
--stop military aid to Colombia and Israel and similarly repressive governments;
--close all US military bases outside our own borders;
--end all research and development of missile defense systems,
anti-satellite weaponry, and all weapons of mass destruction;
--slash the military budget and use the resulting surplus to rebuild the US infrastructure and communities.
2. Establish citizen run and organized review boards over all branches of law enforcement and all branches of government that stockpile and use weapons, including the entire US military.
3. We must empty the jails and open the doors of the schools. If a person does not pose a direct threat of violence (i.e., Bush, Cheney, or Powell), they do not belong in jail. We should likewise provide treatment, not jails for all drug users and perpetrators of "victimless" crimes.
4. Establish and enforce a Prisoners' Bill of Rights, including full pay for all work.
5. Abolish the Death Penalty.
6. Using the money saved from slashing military spending and closing prisons, we must fully fund all aspects and all levels of a free, public education, full employment at a liveable wage and a union contract for everyone who wants to work, and free, universal health care coverage for every one living in the United States. We must fund and aggressively pursue affirmative action programs in all aspects of education and employment.
7. End racial profiling by all law enforcement, especially by police and the Border Patrol.
8. Reorient law enforcement toward the apprehension of white-collar , corporate, and environmental criminals, and toward enforcement of fair labor and affirmative action laws.
9. Demilitarize and open our border with Mexico.
10. Protect the voting rights act and guarantee full access to voting for all, with no election area roadblocks, no confusing ballots, and no discriminatory ID demands and checks aimed at people of color. We call for the dismantling of the Electoral College with a one person, one vote election for US president established in its place.
CT Peace Coalition/New Haven Network Proposal, 1/24/01 & revised 2/5/01
POINTS OF UNITY FOR A NATIONAL ORGANIZING STRUCTURE
(1) END ALL U.S./UN SANCTIONS ON IRAQ
The U.S./UN sanctions on Iraq are a policy of war waged on the people of Iraq by
the U.S. government, supported by the UNSC. After the massive bombing during the
Persian Gulf War in 1991, the U.S./UN sanctions have continued over the past 10
years. The bombing left the country's
infrastructure in near ruin and with restrictions imposed by the sanctions the
Iraqi government does not have the capability to restore its country's basic
services: electricity, water, sewage, hospitals and schools. This policy of
genocide does not target the ruling elite but brutalizes and punishes the
ordinary people of Iraq.
The U.S./UN sanctions require the strength and presence of the U.S. military to be effective. With the "new world order" the use of economic and military sanctions becomes an act of war.
(2) ARMS SALES
With this call for "no U.S./UN sanctions" there must also be a demand
for an end to all U.S. arms sales, around the world." The United States is
the largest producer and merchant of weapons of mass destruction, fueling
conflicts throughout the world and ensuring profits for U.S. military
contractors. The so-called "drug war" in Colombia and the Israeli
government's ongoing war against the Palestinian people are two glaring,
immediate examples of the impact of such U.S. military "aid." Israel,
with its nuclear capability, is the only country in the Middle East to have
unquestioned possession of
weapons of mass destruction. Without U.S. arms sales to Israel, the conflict
with the Palestinians might be resolved. The U.S. is the largest producer,
developer and merchant of arms in the world, and remains the real criminal.
(3) END THE ILLEGAL "NO FLY ZONES" OVER IRAQ
In 1991, immediately after the so-called "ceasefire" in the Persian
Gulf War, the U.S. imposed illegal "no fly zones" over northern and
southern sections of Iraqi air space. Permanent military installations
established in the region, including the Mediterranean Sea, increases the U.S.
presence in the Middle East. Air National Guard units rotate on a regular basis
to these bases, flying high tech A-10 "Warthog" aircraft. These
aircraft, armed with depleted uranium munitions, mount raids and attacks on a
nearly daily basis.
It has been confirmed that the U.S. used DU in Iraq and other regional conflicts in the recent past, including the U.S./NATO bombing of Kosovo. This militarization of the region by the U.S. parallels what now develops in Colombia under the guise of the phony "war on drugs."
(4) CONTROL OF THE OIL IN THE MIDDLE EAST - THE REAL REASON
FOR THE POLICY TOWARD IRAQ
Through the power of the corporate media apparatus the concerted effort to
maintain the demonization of Saddam Hussein diverts the U.S. public's
understanding of the real situation in Iraq and the region. This region holds
two-thirds of the world's oil reserves and while many countries need
this valuable resource, the U.S. wants to control it and insure that the price
remains low and profitable for some. Politicians, including Pres. Bush, have
stated that this conflict with Iraq is "about oil". Policies that
brutalize the people of Iraq are acceptable to Republicans and Democrats
alike. The same intent could well apply to Colombia, which has a vast oil field.
STRUCTURE OF NATIONAL ORGANIZING COMMITTEE / STEERING COMMITTEE
FORMING REGIONAL AREAS
The establishing of regional areas is a first step in creating
a national organizing body. Given the geographical distances in the U.S. it
seems practical and necessary to do so. There are models for this in other
organizations. A basic form for doing this might be to create four (4) regions:
Eastern, (incl. Midatlantic, Southeast and Northeast), Midwest, Western and/or
Northwest, Southwest. Conference participants could determine the regional
lines. The organizational structure would be decided by each individual region.
The regional organization would establish communication
systems with local groups and also with the NOC. It would establish its own
emergency mobilization network.
INITIATING A NATIONAL ORGANIZING COMMITTEE or Steering Committee
A structure for a national organizing committee (NOC) will be
established at the conference. One or two members of each regional area would
participate on the NOCwith an an additional two or three members from the
general participates of the conference or participating organizations. Suggest
that
regional groups meet during the conference and elect/appoint their
representatives to the NOC. The formed committee will determine how it will
meet: e-mail, conference calls, and/or periodic person to person meetings,
perhaps two times a year. Diversity of membership would be ensured by
regional representation and particular focus of a group's work.
The NOC would establish an emergency mobilization plan. When various actions and acts of resistance are conducted in different regions, such as protests at Federal buildings in one region and protests at the Air Nat'l Guard in another region, the NOC will bring these actions together or into focus on the national stage. That would mean establishing a communication network with all regions, and to include information, reports, proposals to regions.
Colorado Campaign for Middle East Peace Action-Campaign Proposal, 1/30/01
Targeting Depleted Uranium ("DU"), the West's
"Weapon of Mass Destruction"
1-Year Campaign
OBJECTIVES:
ACTIONS:
Some things to think about:
Colorado Campaign for Middle East Peace Network Structure Proposal, 1/30/01
Introductory Note: The following is a general outline of CCMEP's proposed structure. The goal was to lay out a basic structure that is succinct and clear, but with sufficient detail that it can be discussed and adopted. If it is adopted a few details will certainly need to be worked out.
PURPOSE OF THE NATIONAL IRAQ NETWORK (called the
Network)
The purpose of the National Iraq Network is to create and carry out national,
coordinated campaigns and actions designed to build support for the lifting of
sanctions and ending U.S. bombing in Iraq.
PRINCIPLES
Commitment to ending the sanctions on Iraq
Commitment to ending U.S. bombings in Iraq
Commitment of non-violence towards people in our actions
NETWORK STRUCTURE/PROCESS
The Network is designed to be as democratic and as non-hierarchical as possible.
The power of the network derives from its member groups - the network is not a
new or independent organization.
Process: Every year there will be a national conference
with the primary purpose of determining that years national campaign/action. The
conference will be organized in the same manner as the current conference. At
the conference working groups will be created to implement that year's plans and
a time line will be determined. Four times a year there will be a coordinating
meeting between the working groups to make sure everything is in sync and to
resolve any problems or changes that have to be made.
To clarify, the Network is comprised of 1) an annual National Organizing Conference, 2) multiple Working Groups and 3) one Coordinating Group which meets quarterly via conference call
1) National Organizing Conference: The annual National Organizing Conference will set the national actions/campaigns and working groups for the coming syear. The National Organizing Conference will be held in a different city each year. Groups are encouraged to send up to 5 people to participate in each annual conference.
Two groups will be chosen annually at the conference to act as a national coordinator i.e., maintain a website, ensure the Working Groups are progressing on-schedule and post the agenda in advance of the quarterly conference call, etc.
2) Working Groups: We suggest 15 people to be a good
size for each Working Group. Individuals and groups can participate in more than
one Working Group. Any and all other members can listen in on the
meetings. It is highly recommended that working groups appoint an organizer to
make sure the
mechanics of conference calls, agendas and so on are taken care of.
Two people from each Working Group will be spokespeople at the quarterly Coordinating Meetings, via conference call. Any and all other members can listen in on the meetings.
3) Coordinating Meeting: The quarterly Coordinating
Group conference call will result in minutes published to all Network members
via e-mail (this is important). It is preferred that the agenda for the meeting
be circulated 2 weeks in advance. The coordinating group can also be used for
emergency
decision-making, for example, to determine a response to a U.S. bombing.
MEMBERSHIP: Groups and Individuals are members if they (1) participate in the Annual National Network Conference (2) agree to the National Network Principles (above) (3) agree to abide by the guidelines set forth for the annual campaign/action.
DECISION-MAKING
All decisions at the conference will be consensus-seeking, but when necessary
will fall back on a 2/3 network membership majority vote. Non-binding straw
polls will be used periodically to gauge the state of an issue/proposal.
Working Groups will have a high level of autonomy, though their time lines and work plans are to be made available to all network members for comment and approval.
Major decisions of the quarterly Coordinating Group meetings, e.g. decisions requiring major changes or additions to to the years campaign/action, etc., will require a 2/3 vote from the general Network membership. This could possibly be conducted by email.
Iraq Response Group at the Peace and Social Justice Center of South Central Kansas Action Proposal, 1/30/01
International Demonstration and Fast to lift the economic sanctions on Iraq
February 28, 2001
At noon on February 28, 1991, the Persian Gulf War supposedly came to an end. The war did end for the media, but it did not end for the people of Iraq. For the past ten years, they have lived with continued bombings, malnutrition, the destruction of their society's infrastructure and their health system, and a fatally contaminated environment. Over the past ten years, between 1 million and 1.5 million Iraqis have died, in part, due to the sanctions.
At noon (C.S.T.) on February 28, 2001, the Peace and Social
Justice Center of South Central Kansas will begin to bang a gong outside of City
Hall in Wichita, Kansas. We will bang the gong 5,000 times to represent the
amount of children who die in Iraq every month due to the sanctions. We are
asking concerned groups and individuals across the United States and across the
world to join us by conducting the same demonstration in their own cities at
noon local time. We hope to call attention to the effects of the sanctions on
Iraqis and to demand an immediate lifting of the economic sanctions on Iraq. We
are also asking people to fast on February 28th as a symbol of solidarity with
the people of Iraq.
"At every opportunity I have said to the people of Iraq that our quarrel
was not with them but instead with their leadership and above all with Saddam
Hussein. This remains the case. You, the people of Iraq, are not our enemy. We
do not seek your destruction." (George Bush, February 27, 1991.)
"We are in the process of destroying an entire society. It is illegal and immoral." (Denis Halliday, former United Nations humanitarian coordinator in Iraq, 1998)
"People who oppose the sanctions against Iraq are not alone. They are part of an international community of activists and peacemakers who keep each other informed via the Internet; who organize marches and demonstrations in their towns and cities; who put pressure on their elected representatives; who challenge the mainstream media to present the truth of what is happening inside Iraq; who understand that an organized, committed group of individuals, guided by compassion and a keen sense of justice, can create a change of policies and put an end to the sanctions." (George Capaccio. "Sanctions: Killing a Country and a People." Iraq Under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War. Ed. Anthony Arnove. Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press, 2000.)
THE WAR'S NOT OVER
'TILL IT'S OVER
LET'S END IT!
Fellowship of Reconciliation (Nat'l) & American Friends Service Committee (Nat'l) Action-Campaign Proposal, 1/31/01
The Campaign of Conscience for the Iraqi People, initiated by the Fellowship of Reconciliation and American Friends Service Committee, offers a nonviolent way to pressure the US government to change its policy toward Iraq. Endorsing the Campaign of Conscience, as an individual or as an organization, enables you to challenge US policy by publicly affiliating with the shipment of restricted water purifying equipment to Iraq.
To date, the campaign has sent four gas chlorinators and a
year’s supply of chlorine gas to Iraq. The chlorinators, now being installed,
are each capable of purifying one million gallons of water per day. We applied
for shipping licenses from the US Treasury Department, but they were not
granted. More than 1100 individuals and 60 organizations endorsed phase one of
the campaign, but so far none have suffered any legal ramifications.
Representatives of the campaign met with officials at the Capitol, White House,
State Department, and United Nations this October, to turn in the endorsement
forms when the shipment was sent.
Since then, an additional 500 individuals and 25 organizations
have given their endorsement and Pax Christi USA has joined us as a third main
sponsor. We have amended the campaign to make room for those who do not wish to
commit civil disobedience and are now increasing our efforts to help more faith
communities issue statements against the sanctions. We intend to send additional
water purifying equipment in June.
We encourage you to take advantage of this opportunity to
challenge the US blockade and help deliver a nominal supply of clean water to
Iraqis now suffering from deficient water treatment systems the US intentionally
destroyed. This campaign is a simple, but powerful statement of compassion for
the people of Iraq and it grows stronger with every signature. To help empower
and fortify this piece of our anti-sanctions movement, please consider taking
the following steps:
1. Endorse the campaign if you haven’t already. Sign online:
www.forusa.org/CCIraqFrame
2. Ask your organization to endorse the campaign.
3. Present the campaign to your faith community and ask for their endorsement.
4. Publicize the campaign in your organization’s literature or allow us to
send a mailing to your constituents.
Twin Cities Campaign to Lift Sanctions Action Proposal,
2/1/01
PROPOSAL FOR A LOBBYING WEEK REGARDING SANCTIONS
Background:
During the Vietnam War the Friends Committee on National
Legislation, (FCNL) Washington, D.C. organized a week-long lobbying effort, in
the early spring, which involved bringing to Washington antiwar activists from
all over the U.S., housing them in a small Capital Hill hotel, and arranging for
them to call on ALL the offices of the Senate and House of Representatives.
There were about 40 or 50 people of all ages but mostly older, to counter we
suspect, the idea that war dissidents were
all young. We believe that all transportation costs were covered. We know that
housing costs were.
Several months prior to the date set, the Friends had written
their contacts in the various states and asked them to write their
congresspeople, advising them of the week we would be in Washington and asking
that they, and they alone - not their staff
-- meet with us. It was quite effective and people from the Midwest were able to
speak to many senators and representatives from the Midwestern states. Upon
arrival, we were given a list of the offices we would call upon. We shared,
among each other, our reports and thoughts about our calls.
We were not given a script but we were to discuss the immorality of the war, the cost, whatever. We wrote a report of the visit and, of course, the comments of the congressperson. This program was carried on for several years.
Lobbying Against Sanctions:
We propose a similar lobbying effort to lift the sanctions against Iraq. It would involve a week-long lobbying effort with U.S. congressional representatives (Senate and House). Each lobbying group would contact their own congresspersons and do some joint lobbying with lobbying groups from other states. The goal might be to have every state represented by two lobbyists.
1. Cost. FCNL had a budget to cover costs. The sole cost of
each lobbyist was meals.
However, there are several ways this could be reduced. There might be enough
people willing to lobby that they would pay for their own transportation.
Perhaps motel rooms could be rented at a discount rate with people sharing
accommodations. It might be that FCNL would be willing to cooperate with this
venture -- also other groups such as NETWORK and national church
organizations.
2. We believe that having constituents of the senators and representatives write, strongly urging, close to demanding, that their congresspeople meet with the lobbyists is crucial to the success of the venture.
3. Reports of lobbyists would be forwarded to groups working against the sanctions and they would be encouraged to carry on communication with congresspersons on the local level.
4. Media. Handled locally. It would be helpful if the organizing group/s provided suggestions, generic press releases, etc.
5. Follow-up on the local level. Local groups would be organized to visit each of their representatives (two, three, four . . . times a year) to educate them and keep the pressure on. Groups might choose to demonstrate outside their offices, have sit-ins . . . or some other strategy that they believe would be effective.
We realize that EPIC is already doing something similar to this. We are sending this proposal and recommending EPIC's efforts become a part of our national plan of action.
We also recommend that this be coordinated with other national lobbying efforts (SOA) so that local activists aren't asked to come to Washington two or three times in the spring to do lobbying on different issues.
NH Peace Action Iraq Proposal: Mainstream the Movement, 2/4/01
Proposal Submitted by: Patrick Carkin, Co-Coordinator, NH
Peace Action
He will not be in attendance at the conference, so anyone with questions,
clarifications, or concerns can call him at (603) 228-0559 or (603) 682-4871
(cell).
Objectives:
1. Our first and only goal should be to help the people of Iraq, not work on far
larger problems that we have no hope in affecting on a large scale. While it's
understandable to want to stop US imperialism, for example, it should not be the
goal of the anti-sanctions movement. Imperialism will continue long after we get
the sanctions lifted.
2. Utilize the media more effectively by going beyond typical street actions.
3. Attract "average" Americans, not just activists, to the
anti-sanctions movement by going beyond lobbying members of Congress and
protests in the streets.
4. Recognize the weaknesses of the movement, understand the political realities
in Washington, DC, and understand the concerns of "average" Americans.
For example, why would a politician who wants to be reelected go against the
sanctions when their constituency clearly supports them? We MUST stop fighting
this reality. We can't force the politicians to be moral, but we can place
pressure on them by bringing more people into the movement.
5. Ultimately, bring the anti-sanctions movement into the
"mainstream." Make it an issue that a liberal, moderate or
conservative would all be willing to work on to change. (Yes, it's possible. The
Berkeley Free Speech Movement is just one example of this happening.)
Timeline:
This is an overall effort that would be indefinite until sanctions are lifted or
it is deemed no longer effective. Specific actions mentioned in this proposal
would all take place within the next 18 months.
Participation:
While NHPA has suggested ideas for on how to "mainstream the
movement," individuals and organizations would ultimately decide on what's
appropriate for their demographics. However, there should be at least one joint
effort where most if not all groups joined together.
Evaluation:
Measuring the success of this proposal would be based on our increase of active
participants, level of media coverage, and, ultimately, the number of
politicians who join our ranks.
Suggested Tactics:
1. We must use and incorporate events where we can work with
"mainstream" Americans on their own turf.
2. While many of us disagree with the political agenda of conservative groups,
we should not discount their effectiveness. For example, we should be actively
trying to enlist the help of "pro-life" activists.
3. Spin the pro-sanctions argument back at the media and politicians: Sanctions
help Saddam Hussein.
4. Give the media something other than a protest or press conference to cover.
Think in terms of human interest, originality, and photo/video possibilities.
Suggested Events
1. Mother's Day: Remember the Women of Iraq. Using churches, synagogues, mosques
and temples, commit appropriate various actions that will involve the members of
those institutions in a positive way. NHPA is committed to this action and plans
to have an entire week of events leading up to Mother's Day, including a press
conference with religious leaders, vigil, post office action, chalk drawings on
the sidewalks outside of Congressional offices, etc. (FMI visit http://www.nhpeaceaction.org/takeaction/mothersday_action.shtml)
2. Thanksgiving: Repeat of above, using religious institutions
as the primary platform. This would be an especially good time to address the
food and water aspect of sanctions. Should be fertile ground for interesting
kinds of projects/protests. NHPA will likely commit to this project as well.
(Note: There's a reason for emphasizing holidays such as Thanksgiving and
Mother's Day and not, for example, the Fourth of July or the anniversary of the
sanctions (same date as the bombing of Hiroshima). Both Thanksgiving and
Mother's Day are holidays that have semi religious connotations, but are not
blatant such as Easter or Christmas, so it should be easier to make an appeal to
religious institutions because we aren't trying to completely "hijack the
day." Secondly, holidays such as the Fourth of July are so contrary to our
purposes that actions are easily seen as hostile and will thus not attract new
people to oppose the sanctions. A caveat to that, however, could be an event
that exploits the Scott Ritter argument, "I object to the character of the
United States being stained by this policy," and utilizes as many American
flags as possible. Thirdly, while the anniversary of the sanctions is meaningful
to us, there aren't that many approaches to it that we can use that build
bridges with others. It seems to be one of those days where should protest, but
shouldn't expect the event to be a "movement building" situation.)
3. Bird dog politicians and political candidates. If sanctions still exist, bird
dogging of Congressional candidates (those not already in office) must begin by
the spring of 2002. Effective bird dogging ("sanctions help Saddam")
can put a politician on the spot, draws attention to our cause via the media,
and educates the local audience. (NHPA had great successes with this during the
presidential primary.)
4. Benefit rock concert with mainstream bands. Think in terms
of "We Are the World," not Rage Against the Machine. Several
individuals have already approached singers and bands such as Peter Gabriel,
Bonnie Raitt, and a handful of others, with no luck so far. (NHPA is one of the
groups which has approached artists.) We need access to performers in order to
convince them that we need their help. If we can get the sanctions onto the
cover of People magazine (as "We Are the World" did with the Ethiopian
famine) then we will be commanding real power. Mainstream Americans will finally
get a clue.
5. Bringing Iraqi youth here to the US to attend a "peace camp" with
American youth OR, as a cost effective alternative, sponsor Iraqi expatriates
who already live here (only those who can't be penalized by the U.S. government
should be considered) to attend a camp with "typical American kids."
The latter project could be used by groups all across the country. NHPA is
currently investigating this project in conjunction with a major leading
anti-sanctions group. This may or may not become a reality, but we welcome input
and support from other groups. This isn't about teaching Iraqis that Americans
are human, it's about teaching Americans that Iraqis are. If this project
happens we will endeavor for as much media coverage as possible and pressure
members of Congress to meet with the youth -- and use their refusal in the media
if necessary.
6. Sponsor and organize religious leaders to make a formal
statement against the sanctions to the press and to lobby members of Congress.
The ideal would be a group of religious leaders from various faiths all going to
a Congressional office at the same time. Emphasis should be on folks who aren't
from the "usual suspects" such as the UU and Quaker churches.
7 Other ideas?
Rationale for this proposal:
While the anti-sanctions movement is dedicated, active and passionate about
helping the people of Iraq, it is, for the most part, ineffective.
Our lobbying efforts are ignored on a regular basis by both Democrats and Republicans. At this time we have support from, at best, no more than one in seven Democrats in the Congress. And the percentage is far less for Republicans.
Our protests, particularly on the regional and national level, are small and ignored by the media. Despite the hard work of activists everywhere, the protest in Washington, DC in August of 2000 had an extremely low turnout. With some exceptions, many groups around the country have also experienced this.
We are also internally fragmented and fight amongst ourselves about terms such as "military versus economic sanctions."
No one should take this as an insult to their hard work. We have all, in our way, given of ourselves to help.
In response to this situation, NH Peace Action proposes that we do everything possible to bring the sanctions issue to everyday people via actions that involve people, institutions and the media on a level that is line with their interests -- not necessarily ours.
We must work within the reality of possibilities, not complain that people won't work with us. This means incorporating our work into events that "everyday" Americans are involved in (i.e. holidays, religious institutions, music concerts, etc.) and approaching the sanctions in a manner that deals with the reality of the political playing field.
Many of those who are concerned about foreign policies are also concerned about Saddam Hussein. While Hussein has definitely provided for his people in the past, while Iraqi women enjoy more freedoms than most in Arab nations (National Geographic, 1999), while education and healthcare were readily available for the most part in Iraq prior to the Gulf War -- none of this negates the fact that Saddam Hussein has committed great evils and is feared by many westerners. Do we really want to spend our time making people realize that they're irrational? Furthermore, anyone who has lobbied members of Congress soon finds out that arguing that Hussein "isn't as bad as the U.S. government says he is" (which is true) quickly finds themselves laughed at, ignored and/or dismissed.
Some brief political realities:
1. The Iraq Liberation Act is a matter of US law. Yes, it's a mere $97 million
that amounts to nothing and the funded groups have no credibility. And yes, it's
a complete waste of time and money. However, the overthrow of Hussein by groups
outside of Iraq is a matter of law.
2. The Gulf War was marketed to US citizens far more aggressively than it was in
other countries. To most of the world, the purpose of the war was to remove
Iraqi forces from Kuwait. In the U.S., however, Americans were told that we were
fighting an evil tyrant. That's one reason why Americans were far more
disgruntled after the war than people in other nations. There was a sense that
we "lost" or, at minimum, "didn't win" because Hussein was
still in power.
3. The vast majority of the US Congress supports sanctions. Some of this is
probably due to the fact that being "soft on Saddam" is the political
kiss of death. Anti-sanctions activists must realize this -- politicians aren't
going to slit their proverbial throat over "people thousands of miles
away" who can't vote them into office.
The way to tackle the politicians head on is to accuse THEM of being too soft on Saddam by supporting a policy which has destroyed the middle class, created a welfare state, and ultimately made any internal uprising against Saddam completely impossible. The U.S. government has thus solidified Hussein's power in Iraq. So let's confront them on this. This doesn't mean we ignore the humanitarian crisis, but it does mean that we become more aggressive and use the current situation against the politicians.
Many anti-sanctions activists are enthusiastic of street protests and civil disobedience. This is something that NH Peace Action fully supports and participates in on a regular basis. (We have several members, including one of our staff people, who frequently go to jail for CD.) However, protests specifically about the sanctions, on a massive scale, are not effective because we don't have the necessary numbers of people nor do we have the sympathy of a larger audience. We're not working against globalization, we're not supporting unions, we're not tree sitting in northern California -- protests that all have far more support than we do -- we're trying to end the genocide of innocent Iraqi civilians who are ruled by a man that many people fear. We are, in many ways, fighting a ghost or specter that is far larger than we are and impossible to beat. We cannot defeat the propaganda machine of the US government and the corporate media and say that "Hussein isn't really that bad." Other movements don't have to deal with this kind of problem. But we DO, in both our protests and our lobbying.
Drawbacks to the theme of "Sanctions Help Saddam"
There are at least two negative drawbacks to the emphasizing to the politicians
that sanctions actually keep Hussein in power.
1. We might appear as if we're advocating a military response. Keeping this in
mind, whenever we state that sanctions help Saddam we would need to add that
only a diplomatic solution is viable and that a military response will not work.
2. This theme will not attract liberal activists. This tactic should only be
used with appropriate groups: Politicians, media, certain conservative groups,
and those who support sanctions. It is not something that one would passionately
argue in front of a group of peace activists.
Conclusion
The media, despite their laziness and bias in favor of the US government and
multinational corporations, can be marshaled. It is possible to get stories that
reflect our agenda and goals if we approach the sanctions in manner that is
interesting, draws their attention, and is based on truth -- and if we slam the
politicians for supporting Hussein.
Average Americans are typically not concerned with most foreign policies, whether it be Iraq, Colombia or Indonesia. It must be our goal to present the sanctions in such a manner to make them care -- and we can do it by channeling our work into activities that "average" Americans are involved in.
The politicians won't support something that will ultimately harm them. We have to create a path that allows them to still be "tough on Saddam" and support Iraqi human rights at the same time.
In sum, with great respect to all those who have protested and lobbied on behalf of the Iraqi people, it's time for a new tack in the anti-sanctions movement. Of course, lobbying and protesting should continue, but it needs to be complemented with actions that work with the reality of the current political situation. More importantly, the intent of "mainstreaming" the movement is a way to improve our protests and lobbying, not detract from them. If "average" Americans lobby and protest, then the politicians will take notice.
MIDDLE EAST TASK FORCE (ANN ARBOR, MI) Network Structure Proposal, 2/4/01
DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES
1. We believe that the current US-led and UN-imposed sanctions against the people of Iraq are immoral and genocidal.
2. While we do not condone many of the actions of the current
leadership of Iraq, we recognize that the citizens of Iraq who are suffering
under the sanctions are powerless to affect their government.
We believe that sanctions constitute a form of collective punishment banned
under international law (UN Charter, Geneva Convention of 1977--Covenant Against
Genocide), and banned under US law as terrorism defined by the US Legal Code
(Title 18'2331).
3. We are concerned that each day 250 Iraqis, primarily children and the elderly, die from want of basic food and medicine, unavailable because of the sanctions. (UNICEF--4/98)
4. We believe that the current sanctions policy, which has already killed well over a million Iraqis (UN Report--9/97), constitutes genocide.
5. We believe that our government has embarked upon a deadly policy from which it is unable to extricate itself.
6. We fear that the judgment of history will be unkind to those of us who stood idly by and allowed this carnage to continue in our name without protest.
7. Therefore, we declare that we will be considering all nonviolent means at our disposal to bring these sanctions to an end.
8. We pledge to remain nonviolent, but confrontive, in our efforts.
9. We challenge the religious communities in the United States and around the world to examine their basic beliefs and assist us in leading this effort.
10. Since the effects of the sanctions are centered in health issues, we call upon the medical, mental health, and public health communities to join in our effort.
11. We call upon veterans of the United States Armed Forces to speak out with their unique voice upon this issue.
12. We insist that the media engage in critical evaluation of both our positions and those of the United States government. We expect the media to collect basic information about the sanctions policy by personal on-the-ground examination of the effects of the sanctions upon the citizens of Iraq, as well as through careful examination of data and statements by US government officials, UN personnel, Iraqi officials, and other proponents and opponents of current sanctions policy.
12. We call upon members of the United State Senate and House of Representatives to end the sanctions and to reassert the Constitutionally-mandated power of Congress to declare war.
13. We hope that our efforts here in the United States will
provide inspiration for individuals of conscience throughout the country and the
world to take action to end the sanctions and bring relief
to the suffering citizens of Iraq.
*****************************************************************
PROPOSED STRUCTURE
We propose the election of a 15-member STEERING COMMITTEE at
the Denver Conference. It is anticipated that this committee will be elected
with as much diversity as practicable. If deemed necessary, this committee will
construct a set of by-laws, which will be subject to approval by the
membership at large. All decisions of the STEERING COMMITTEE will be posted on
the website, and may be put to a membership vote upon the petition of any ten
members.
This committee is also charged with the formation of the following working committees, including the selection of a chair/liaison for each committee. It is assumed that the various chairs/liaisons may be members of the
STEERING COMMITTEE. Again it is hoped that much of this work
may be completed within the time restraints of the Conference. These committees
will vary in the amount of work and responsibility
assigned to them, and it is anticipated that this structure may need to be
modified or expanded. Such decisions will be the responsibility of the STEERING
COMMITTEE, subject to approval vote by the members as a whole. The same
individual may participate in more than one committee, but each
chair/liaison should be different. It is anticipated that the members of the
STEERING COMMITTEE will meet by conference call on AT LEAST a monthly basis. It
is further assumed that the membership as a whole will meet for a general
conference within a year, or other shorter time period as determined by the
STEERING COMMITTEE.
Proposed Working Committees:
A. OFFICE - Primary task is to initiate and maintain the
database of participants at this Conference and a supplemental list of names of
those committed to this issue. Database should contain name/liaison, address,
phone, email, fax and areas of working interest. This committee will be the
final repository of the names/groups generated by the OUTREACH committee. This
committee is also charged with maintaining normal office activities, including
the logistics of a permanent website.
B. WEBSITE - The primary task will be to build and maintain a website with editorial content appropriate to the needs of the membership. It should contain STEERING COMMITTEE minutes/decisions, background materials, recommended/approved actions and appropriate materials for implementation, alerts, links, and other materials as determined by the committee.
C. OUTREACH - This committee is charged with constructing a list of appropriate addition organizations and individuals not currently represented at the Conference. In particular, this committee is responsible for contacting members and groups within the following areas: Religion, Health (physical, mental, public), Veterans, Education and Labor.
D. LIAISON - Primary task is to coordinate with local, state/province, national and international groups for mutual support and exchange of information.
E. ACTIONS/PROJECTS/DEMONSTRATIONS - Primary tasks are to
propose ongoing
actions, projects (speakers, teach-ins, etc.) and demonstrations. These
activities will be submitted for approval by the STEERING COMMITTEE, subject to
an approval vote of the membership. Proposed activities may require participant
training (e.g., in nonviolent confrontation), and this
committee is charged with arranging for any appropriate training.
F. LEGAL - Primary task is to identify support in the legal
community and arrange for pre-arrest information and post-arrest assistance.
This committee may also want to consider the possibility of
challenging the sanctions on a legal basis.
G. FINANCE - Primary task is to raise and distribute funds. Possibilities for such funds might include payment for office assistance (personnel and equipment/materials) and logistical support for the STEERING (or other) COMMITTEE and upcoming conferences.
H. MEDIA - Primary task is to inform and pressure the media.
I. POLITICAL - Primary task is to inform and pressure local, state and national politicians.
At this point we are unclear as to the necessity of a rigid
structure, by-laws, etc., and we would hope that the STEERING COMMITTEE would
take responsibility for formulating an initial working structure within the
above proposal, feeling free to modify and change the structure as
conditions warrant. The general membership must also realize that for this
campaign to be successful, each of us will need to participate as fully as
possible in the areas of our strengths and interest. The model is ownership by
all, with focus and leadership by the STEERING COMMITTEE, with
ultimate decision-making subject to the approval of the membership as a whole.
MIDDLE EAST TASK FORCE (ANN ARBOR, MI), MEDIA ACTION
PROPOSAL, 2/4/01
It is our belief that the sanctions will ultimately be ended
by political pressure on the Congress and the Administration. Therefore, any
proposed action should keep in mind how its implementation would, in the final
analysis, impact on these groups. Ideally, any action/demonstration should:
1) energize the demonstrator,
2) impact the media (and thus the public),
3) impact Congress and the Administration.
Quote: After WW II most Germans protested that they did not know what went on the heinous Nazi concentration camps...But this claim of ignorance did not absolve them from blame...They raised little objection, most even applauded, when he [Hitler] closed their newspapers and clamped down on free speech. Certainly our leaders are not to be compared with Hitler, but today, because of onerous, unnecessary rules, Americans are not being permitted to see and hear the full story of what their military forces are doing in an action that will reverberate long into the nation's future.--Walter Cronkite (2/25/91)
OBJECTIVE: Virtually everyone working on the sanctions issue agrees that the mainstream media have failed miserably in their coverage, starting with the events leading up to the Gulf War, the Gulf War itself, and the sanctions aftermath. A large part of the problem is that the media are ready to accept administration information without critical review, due to a