6.5.01: Double Standards and Palestinian Survival

Late Friday night, the 18th of May, a young Palestinian male from Jordan, living in the West Bank Town of Qalqilya, became a suicide bomber in Tel Aviv. The bomb strapped to his waist took his life and that of 20 Israelis. Some 80 Israelis were injured in this attack. By sheer numbers, this was the worst attack on Israelis since the beginning of the Al-Aqsa Intifadah last September 29.

The response of the world powers was outcry. Governments made public statements denouncing and condemning the attack, enacted on innocent young people taking in a weekend evening at the disco. Further, these same governments often called on Arafat to denounce and condemn the attack as well. Mr. Arafat responded by declaring a cease-fire.

The suicide bombing was portrayed in the usual framework of terrorist Palestinians trying to harm the Jewish state. Few people realize that most of those killed were Russian immigrants who had Christian funerals. Hence, it appears that many of those killed were not Jewish.

Saturday the 9th of June, three women living in a tent in Gaza were killed when Israeli soldiers launched a tank shell against them. Two were 65 years old and the other was 25. Local people expressed their surprise at the attack and said there were no shootings going on in the area at the time.

The response of the world powers was silence. Governments made no public statements denouncing or condemning the attack, enacted on innocent women living in their tent. Further, there was no call of foreign governments for the Israeli government to denounce and condemn the attack. Mr. Sharon expressed regret at the deaths.

The tank attack on Palestinian women was portrayed in the usual framework of the unimportant. Few people realize that over 90% of the 500-plus Palestinians killed in the last 8 months were civilians. Despite this apparent war on the civilian population of Palestine, no serious attempts have been initiated outside Palestine to stop the Israeli actions.

The Israelis killed in the suicide bomb attack in Tel Aviv and the Palestinian women killed in Gaza were all innocent civilians. None of them should be targets by which to express frustration, carry out attacks, or achieve ends. The point here is the response of world governments, greedy for the approval of the power-broker in this situation so as to fill the void left by the US "hands-off approach" to the "peace process." The varying responses can be viewed not only as economically and politically advantageous, but racially discriminatory.

As I was preparing for bed last night, my host instructed me to turn on the T.V. There had just been a suicide bombing in Tel Aviv. Pictures of medical staff scurrying about, caring for the injured; fright and shock on the faces of everyone flashed across the screen as various correspondents and Israeli government officials commented on the number of dead
and how Israel would respond. The word right after the bomb was the unilateral ceasefire declared by Sharon could not last under such attacks.

This morning, suggestions were offered by Israeli Government officials that a stronger response than ever before would be next. As the reports have become public, it is clear that Israel has several plans to do serious damage--or totally liquidate--the Palestinian Authority. Egypt has declared its readiness to go to war with Israel should such events occur.

The day after the bombing the US, Russian, the UN, the EU, and everyone's grandmother condemned the suicide attack without mentioning Israel's next move. This is highly suspect as we remember just a month or so ago the international community's response to Syria and Lebanon to restrain from responding to Israel's bombing of Syrian targets in Lebanon.

It is as if these messages, taken together, legitimate whatever "decisive measures" Israel takes against neighboring Arab countries or the Palestinians, but restrain and/or condemn Arab and Palestinian attacks against Israel. A red light for Arabs, especially Palestinians, who are fighting occupation, or other Arab countries defending themselves; a green light for Israel occupation of Palestinian land and regional attacks. With such double standards it is amazing to me how the Palestinian people have survived this long and that more wars have not occurred.

Israel, Arafat, and the Intifadah

An assumption in the suicide bombings is Arafat's direction of them. It has been goal #2 of Sharon's government to vilify Arafat and the PA, both in Israeli society and the international community. This goal has been accomplished by the continued blame
heaped on Arafat for every act done by and Palestinian group or individual. After every suicide bomb or car bomb, formal and unified statements spring forth from Israel officials blaming Arafat or ordering then, calling him---with regularity now--a murderer, and claiming he is not a peace partner.

This Israel tactic has proved successful, though unexamined. Few people frame this conflict in terms of illegal military occupation and the struggle for freedom. When an entire people are subjected to the daily humiliation of major restrictions on basic necessities of life, such as traveling from one city to the next--and for 35 years--it is imaginable that all the people will become involved in the struggle to liberate themselves. As the Palestinians have no military to wage their battle, their struggle is a popular one. If it depended on their military, their would be no struggle. In a popular movement, there may be a measure of organization and hierarchical direction, but the central steps of the activities are locally or even individually decided. In this context, one person cannot be held responsible for each action carried out.

6.7.01: The Current Situation in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Lands and Steps to Better Relations

In the first 4 months of this year, 495 Palestinian homes were bulldozed. As one homeowner said, "These are not homes, they are families." In these terms, 495 Palestinian families have been dispossessed of their entire material lot, many for the 2nd-and even 3rd-time. In one day, 4 April, the number of bulldozed Palestinian homes nearly equaled the number of destroyed homes in all of last year.

Settlements illegally built on expropriated Palestinian land in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem have been wildly expanding. Announcements by the Israeli Housing Authority to expand these Jewish-only enclaves come like a dripping faucet: with regularity and annoyance.

The village of Beit Jala continues to be deconstructed by heavy machine gun fire and tank shells. (A village just south of Beit Jala, El-Khader, continues to experience land confiscation and home demolition for bypass road and military outpost construction). One friend living in Beit Jala told me that a few weeks ago his house was hit with 140 bullets. He and his family were all inside sleeping at the time. He relayed to me that most residents' homes in Beit Jala have replaces windows with sand bags. Due to the erratic and indiscriminate fire of the Israeli military stationed in Gilo, normal homes are converted into bunkers.

While residents in Gilo continually complain of gunfire from Beit Jala; while the Israeli military justifies the damage and destruction of thousands of buildings and the injury and killing of civilians in Beit Jala by claiming self-defense, a brief material survey will reveal almost zero human/material loss in Gilo over the last 8 months.

As the headlines surely told, Israel used US-made F-16's to bomb various places in Nablus and Ramallah on 18 May. I ask the question: "when is history has anything like this occurred?" Indeed, we are all witnesses to a new development of human interaction. To my knowledge, never before have F-16's been used to bomb a people who are not just civilian, but have no military to defend themselves or attack with. In Serbia, Iraq, and other places, F-16's have bombed civilians. However, the countries they were used against were 1). Countries and 2). Had a military. Neither of these cam be claimed for Palestinians.

I visited the Gazan village of Beit Hanoun recently. Our lovely friend Mohammed, director of a union for agricultural efforts, took us to the area temporarily re-occupied by Israel back in late-March or early-April. This was the case when the US harshly criticized Israel or this step and they withdrew immediately. However, 30 homes and several acres of fruit trees were bulldozed before they left. These homes and trees were piled high as rubble when we visited.

Mohammed showed us one project of the agricultural union he directs. They have a sizable greenhouse, sponsored by the Mennonites, for growing all kinds of fruit trees and plants. These baby plants are a symbol of pride and hope to the people of the renewal they are awaiting. A newly constructed chicken house next door will soon provide 20 jobs and lots of eggs.

Finally, Sharon's self-declared ceasefire is a mask for coming attacks, I believe. A ceasefire is not usually declared unilaterally in conflict situations and is never sustainable when declared by the weaker party. Further, the very day after Sharon's announcement, 45 people were injured in Gaza, 25 of whom were below 18 years of age.

In this light, I believe, though I hope I am terribly wrong, that F-16's will continue bombing; tanks will shell homes, attack helicopters will destroy any remains of psychological stability in Palestinian society; humiliation will continue at the checkpoints; settlements will grow; Palestinian land will be confiscated; miscarriages at an exponentially high rate will continue; hunger and unemployment in Palestinian towns and villages will persist; Palestinian and Israeli dreams will be crushed-all while the powers of the world remain silent under the guise of ceasefire.

Regional war is looming. Egypt has stated its intent to war with Israel-and not to lose this time-should Israel move to on currently operative plans to liquidate the PA. Sharon and the IDF would rejoice in this madness due to the loss of attention on the gross atrocities they have committed against Palestinian civil sectors in the last 8 months. World focus would change from the internal problems of Israel and the Intifadah to external problems of regional war, which are waged on more equal footing.

A solution will come when Palestine is free. This means the settlements in the West Bank, Gaza, and E. Jerusalem must be evacuated, Palestinians have total control of the land "offered" to them (including its borders, which was not the case at Camp David II), and Israel begins to recognize the validity of Palestinian aspirations. Problems of a large scale remain regarding the Palestinian National Authority. They are corrupt and authoritarian. The leader of Fateh said Arafat built the system for himself only. When he is gone, the Palestinian leadership will have to start from ground zero, creating a new governmental infrastructure. Attitudes, perceptions, wounds will have to heal between the communities before they will be able to interact on a large scale. This is the most difficult part, I believe: the inner struggle, of which the Intifadah is only a manifestation.

A man who has had his home bulldozed three times offered a creative suggestion recently. Two major problems in reaching a workable relationship between Israeli and Palestinian collectives are Palestinian refugees and Israeli settlements built on expropriated Palestinian land. In total the settlements house some 300,000 Jewish-Israelis. The Palestinian refugee figure is close to 4 million. Why not move Palestinian refugees into all the settlements? This would solve the problem of settlements and a portion of the refugee situation. It would also facilitate the creation of borders; no more Israelis would be living in the newly formed state of Palestine. Further, the issue of hundreds thousands of Palestinians living under Israeli civil administration in E. Jerusalem would come under Palestinian jurisdiction, solving a major headache for the Israelis. Further, ending the settlement expansion and necessary security measure to protect the settlements, not to mention the program of occupation, would free billions of dollars for Israel to create a reparations fund for Palestinian refugees.

The problem of numbers is blaring for attention: what to do with the other 3.7 million Palestinian refugees not moved into evacuated settlements in Palestinian land? What will be the criteria for choosing which Palestinian refugees get to live in the former Jewish settlements? These are serious conundrums not be entertained lightly, though with bravery, sensitivity, and a humble spirit must be dealt with. I pity and prize the group of people who eventually walk these paths.

One year ago I had a consuming hope for a sustainable solution to this conflict. I was a bit naïve, no doubt, but hopeful, nonetheless. After living 3 months in Bethlehem during the Intifadah, and now in Ramallah as the situation regularly deteriorates, my bosom's fire has shrunk considerably. Even so, the smallest portion of the flame is blue, and blue is more intense. For those with the energy, strength, and concern to act, let us continue to move on behalf of both communities and a workable relationship between them. If the people give up the dreams of peace in their hearts, what will be manifested will be even worse than what we are witnessing today. Let us not grow weary, for the road is long.

I attended a very large demonstration today, created by the students at Bir Zeit University. This is the largest university on the West Bank. There were about 6 pr 700 people in attendance. We marched to where the checkpoint usually is. One goal of the checkpoint is to make it impossible for cars to pass, though mostly people are allowed to walk through. The checkpoint was gone today, but the soldiers sat on the hill overlooking us. There is also a tank stationed up top the hill.

We reached the area where the soldiers were with intent to keep marching on the road, avoiding contact with them. Instead, they fired about 10 rounds of tear gas at us. We were not giving up so easily, however.

We re-gathered and made a human chain on either side of the road for several hundred feet. Though the checkpoint was not there today (it will be back any day), our human chain allowed cars to pass. This action took place with great fanfare, over and over again.

Then we heard the soldiers blocked the road up farther. So a few of us marched up there. Sure enough, the Israeli jeeps were blocking the road to cars. When just a few of us came, the jeeps drove up a hill and the road was opened. In just a moment, however, they came back down. We weren't thinking quite fast enough, so by the time we stood/sat in front of the jeeps, the
passage was too narrow for a car. Anyway, we stopped them from doing what they wanted.

There was a big standoff with one US guy in front of one jeep and myself and one Palestinian-American female in front of the other (the jeeps were facing each other and if they were bumper to bumper, the entire road would be blocked). The soldiers really didn't know what to do. We stayed put. Dozens of Palestinians came closer to see. TV crews were catching it all; the soldiers were in a tight place. Then, the soldier in charge got really pissed and took out a tear gas canister, waved it around, and hollered at everyone in Hebrew. Most Palestinians moved back a ways. We were still in front of the jeeps.

By this time, the rest of the demonstration was coming to join us. We thought it was going to get really ugly at this point. Some Palestinians jumped on the hood of the jeep and began dancing. The head soldier got really pissed, ran from the back of the jeep to the front, and bashed one guy in his leg with the butt of his m-16. Then all the demonstrators sat in the road and began to sing and chant, keeping about 5-8 feet from the jeeps, so as not to aggravate the soldiers too much.

Next thing the soldiers pulled out sound bombs and start hucking them all around. Mostly they would throw them right at the people. This is common, I am told. After about 8 of these went off, injuring a friend by the impact, we regrouped again. For some reason, the soldiers drove the jeeps back up the hill, and cars could pass again. The same routine as previously took
place, with cars passing through with great fanfare, flag-waving, and hooting and hollering.

To cut to the chase, various things were going on back and forth for a long time. Myself, and three Palestinian-American were trying to leave. Unfortunately many of the boys were throwing stones at the soldiers, which prompted fire from rubber bullets,
at first. We were caught between two clash points, trying to get out to go to work. As we stood about 20 yards from one set of solders firing at the Palestinians, a rock from behind us landed on one of the jeeps. I saw the rock hit the jeep and the soldier immediately got out and pointed at us. I put my hands up in the air, and we all turned around to holler the one kid who was throwing stones. We got him to stop, thank God, or bullets were flying at us.

Okay. So, there we stand for a long time, maybe 15 minutes. Out of nowhere, one soldier gets out of his jeep and points straight at the four of us, who were standing there, watching, taking photos. We all cried out "Stop" and "why?" He pointed to his head, then into the air, and turned away. Immediately after that, he fired at some of the Palestinian youth, with live
ammunition. We were a little freaked by the proximity of the soldier to us, that he pointed and was ready to shoot at us, and then to discover that it was live fire.

So, not only sound bombs, not only tear gas, not only rubber bullets, but live ammunition, on defenseless college students throwing stones! And this is Arafat's fault, as the Israeli rhetoric goes?

International Checkpoint Watch. Bir Zeit Checkpoint. 6.16.01
Arrival Time: 4:50 p.m.
Departure Time: 9:30 p.m.
Number of Soldiers present: 4
Jeep Number: 669343 tzadee
CIA Present: 1 security official and one Israeli assistant. Three suburbans
of CIA personnel coming and going for one hour

.
4:50-5:20: From Ramallah to BZ, only taxis allowed to pass; passenger cars not allowed. One passenger car allowed as exception. Some taxis stopped for visual check. From BZ to Ramallah only taxis allowed to pass; passenger cars not allowed. One passenger car allowed as exception. No vehicles stopped for checks. One taxi held for 10 minutes for ID check.

5:20-5:55: Ramallah to BZ, nearly every taxi stopped for visual check. No passenger car allowed, minus 2 exceptions. BZ to Ramallah only taxis allowed to pass, without checks. No passenger cars allowed to pass.

5:55-6:25: Taxis allowed both ways, almost totally without checks. The only checks are taxis from Ramallah to BZ. Soldiers talking with us. Passenger cars not allowed to pass, minus two exceptions, one car each direction. CIA caravan coming and going (3 suburbans) up paved road behind Surda sign. One member of CIA coordinating with soldiers at checkpoint is very shy; will not look at me and even hides behind other soldiers.

6:25-7:00: Soldiers eating watermelon behind jeep. Taxis flow freely both ways, almost totally without checks, visual or ID. Passenger cars still turned around. Soldiers walk from behind jeep with watermelon in mouth or hand to approach passenger cars and tell them to turn around.

7:00-7:15: Taxis allowed both ways. Several passenger cars pass without questioning. Soldiers mostly sitting in jeep. They appear very tired and unenthusiastic.

Around 7:20 two young men were detained. One was without his ID and with Fateh. One was with Hamas, though the soldiers didn't know. After 30 minutes the one from Hamas was released after he was given an invitation to a police station for questioning. The one without an ID was held for a total of 2 hours and 10 minutes. Someone finally brought his ID. It was dark and few people were around, so he was afraid of the soldiers. He had many Fateh items in his wallet, which the soldiers looked through. He also had a list of many other Fateh members, which did not help his situation. He asked us to remain
with him as he thought the soldiers would beat him.

His uncle told us the next day on the phone that he was sure the soldiers would have beaten him had we not been there. He was murmuring prayers for many minutes in his understandable fright. After he was released, we left.

Police provided soldiers with a list of several hundred ID numbers. If IDs match with that on the list, soldiers called someone at the police station, I believe. Over the phone they determine why the person is on the list and therefore, what should be done with them. As mentioned above, one was held for about 30 minutes, given an invitation to the police station for questioning, and released.

Soldiers made visual checks in taxis. The paper from the police was not faces, but ID numbers. I asked the captain how he knew who to detain for ID checks; how did he make the connection between numbers on a list and a face? He responded that 99 percent of the people on this list are between 12 and 20 years old. "So," I asked, "you stop everyone who appears to be between those ages?" He responded positively. This amounts to age discrimination. 3 times entire taxis of 9 people had their IDs taken and checked. Most were checked with the list given by the police and released.

2 times cars stopped without even being instructed to do so, even when the soldiers were eating or talking to someone else. This demonstrates the conditioning the Palestinian people have gone through, that they don't proceed without being instructed to do so and stop without being instructed to do so. Aspects such as these will create some of the internal problems that will take generations to recover from after physical occupation ends. Psychological occupation will continue for much longer.
Soldiers were very stern at first.

Captain approached me after only 2 minutes, asked "who are you" and "what are you doing?" I told him my name and that I am with International Checkpoint Watch. Seeing the camera slung around my shoulder, he ordered, "No pictures. This is a closed military zone." I told him I would not take pictures if I did not need to. More sternly, he said, "No pictures. If you take one picture, I take your camera." I shook my head as to tell him I would do what I needed to do, without provoking him.

After one hour, soldiers grew more and more friendly. They wanted to talk. Amir is from Syria, George is a Christian and the captain, 20 years old and with a very soft side to him, though the one who told me "no pictures." Sergei and Andre were Russian immigrants who were very indifferent to the Palestinians. When Palestinians tried to argue for why they should be allowed to pass, these two would simply turn their back and walk away without a word.

When we arrived at 4:50 there was one young man, maybe 18, detained and forced to sit on the ground in very hot sun. We tried numerous times to have him moved into the shade, with no success. He told us that every time he passes BZ checkpoint he is detained for about 2 hours and then released. This insight was "snuck" to us as we were not allowed to talk with him. The soldiers allowed us to give him water. They told us he was on their list provided by the police. After 40 minutes of sitting in the hot sun on the ground, he was released. One taxi had a shaheed poster of the suicide bomber in Tel Aviv in its back window. The taxi was stopped and the soldiers carefully peeled the poster away from the window, keeping with them. The taxi was released, but I imagine the poster will be used as propaganda by the Israeli military.

Upon asking George why he was so careful to keep the poster, he only responded with, "When young Arabic people see this, they hate Israel more." I asked him if he thought maybe seeing the checkpoints made them hate Israel more, rather than the poster. He responded negatively. Upon asking him if he saw any connection between the checkpoints and the suicide bombers, he shook his head and firmly said "No," so as to convince himself.

George told me three times the government makes the decision who to stop at the checkpoints. I kept asking him why they stop passenger cars. Each time the person he held responsible for who to stop got closer to himself, until on the 4th time I asked him, after several hours, he admitted that he himself made the decision.

The presence of a Palestinian-American female who they liked very much softened them both to us and to the other people. Soldiers need to be treated as human as well. This will help them to treat others as humans. Step by step.

12:30 a.m. July 8^th. A new day has just begun, though sleep is my next chore. I just finished watching some Tom Cruise film. My large bedroom window is open; sitting in bed trying to find solace in New Testament narratives. The air is still and sleepy; crickets fill the night with harmonies. Piercing through this serene scene rings the voice of heavy machine gun fire. I set the direction of the firing geographically and position its source as the nearby Jewish-only settlement of Psagot.

The calm air hypnotized my ears so as to be unable to recognize the warning—barking dogs. The animals always feel what will happen before humans.

Four at a time, stuttered by bits of silence, shots ring out. Smaller, more distant sounding shots answer the heavy voice of Israeli fire.

Several minutes of silence—dogs still barking. I think I hear the helicopters en route. I wonder if I am imagining the sound of the helicopter blades, being conditioned by living in Bethlehem where fear of their coming frequently cut to the bone in their night time raids. The helicopters always terrorized us there, banking up the tanks and soldiers on the ground. Funny to think those they acted against were civilians—mothers, fathers, children, grandparents—trying to sleep for the coming day.

Dogs barking; honking car horns in the audible distant. More dogs barking in the direction of the shooting. Scenes of silent ambulances racing up the hills of Beit Jala to rescue the injured flash through my very visual mind. Their red lights signalled pain and fear; their racing engines suggested exigency. How many times I watched those scenes.

I wonder how many people were awakened by this exchange. I swear I hear the helicopters hovering nearby. If employed, more people will be awakened. Their thundering gatlin guns and explosive missles can be heard for miles around. Earth shaking.

Many moments now without shots. Cars scurry outside my window, unaware the night air has been shaken. Dogs bark less now. A cat splashes in the fig tree outside my window, flapping the leaves. Some flying object, maybe a small plane, sings on the staff of hushed nightlines.

I wonder if residents of Al-Bireh, the Palestinian neighborhood down the slope from Psagot, are scuttling, assessing damages and crying to the open air, perhaps cursing those who have injured them

I swear the rotating threats of helicopter blades cutting the force of gravity nearby. Murmuring sounds of death and deep-seated fear, their guns and missles affect several homes and dozens of people in the direct line of fire. For anyone with decent hearing within a 2- or 3-mile radius the psychological threats reach out and take hold of any sense of security. This number of victims is never mentioned, never counted. Psychological trauma—immeasurable, unknown. Secret tactics.

This skirmish appears to be over. But the battle is like a new t-shirt with lots of life to come. Maybe tomorrow. Maybe here, maybe somewhere else.

A ceasefire assumes a consistent battle between 2 or more militaries, gangs, or political opponents. Not only a heated and/or violent interchange is assumed when a ceasefire is declared, but some measure of equality in the weight of the warring parties is granted in the conception. This equal weight translates into realities such as the indifferent spread of casualties equally among all players, or equal believability when political candidates level accusations against their opponent in a bid for election. This structure of relative equality--internally measured--and consistent battle provides a setting in which to declare a ceasefire.

This framework does not translate into situations in which one side retains material, political, or economic superiority. In a framework of power retainer and powerless, appropriate terminology needs to be apportioned to accurately reflect the hidden structures by which the involved parties are bound to interact. In the Palestinian-Israeli case the hidden modes of operation between the two pertain to titles such as powerful and powerless, rich and dispossessed, military might and civilian population. That these descriptive labels are either not overtly used or manipulated and misassigned for political gain complicates understanding of daily realities that affect both people. Those with only a "newspaper knowledge" of this conflict are most susceptible to misunderstanding as the presented images are tailored to political ends, often without concern for reality. That this group of people constitutes the general international community translates directly into continued, more wide spread problems.

My point is that the term "ceasefire" is terribly out of place in Israeli-Palestinian context due to the assumed measure of relative equality between those who agree to a ceasefire and the absolute lack of equality between the parties here.

We should not be surprised by this example of misappropriated language--it defines the nature of the entire "peace process," and so has been the norm of diplomatic and media activity for at least the last 8 years. The Intifadah is a reply to this misguided and ironically uneven labeling. It has created--in itself and as a result--the extreme frustration by which Intifadah (i.e. resistance to mislabeling) was birthed for a second time. If, for example, the "peace process" or any number of "ceasefires" and "agreements" signed had taken as their starting point the most basic of criteria as national status, the methods and outcomes of these diplomatic efforts would veer in a more plausible, sustainable, and workable arrangement. This consideration of national status refers to Israel as an internationally recognized nation-state with infrastructure and a well-financed military and that the PLO and PA are nation-less, without infrastructure and a military. This varied starting point and methodology would allow both Israelis and Palestinians a greater opportunity to live among their respective

Indeed, truth telling (i.e. appropriate labeling and consideration of national differences) in "negotiation" or "peace talks" would result in greater capacity for truthful results from "negotiation" and "peace talks." Those authorities of numerous countries--particularly the US and Israel--who have directed the "Oslo Peace Process" have betrayed a simple truth, that the end of something is implied in its means. In this light, the Oslo process has been a theatrical presentation whose final showing happened 29 September 2000. Yet, no signed agreement or ceasefire since that time has sought to improve on Oslo. The ancient Solomonic proverb "a dog returns to its vomit" is manifested.

The birth and rise of the "Oslo Peace Process" gave hope, though later to prove false, to both people. This is especially true for the Palestinians who have lost so much already and who have so much to lose as the weak and dispossessed. Moreover, Israel had much to gain with living standards closer to that of other developed, industrialized nations and the military dictate to create their desired circumstances. The false hopes of Oslo placated the will of the Palestinians to communally work for the changes they desired since it appeared the international political processes were working for them. As Oslo has proved itself nothing more than an international dramatic presentation of "who cares about reality," Palestinians have given up on the situation working itself out through international political processes. The realization of the substanceless-ness of Oslo was the start of Intifadah. Intifadah is an attempt to do for themselves what no one else can or will do. As Martin Luther King Jr. said, the oppressed must go get their freedom. The oppressor will never give it to you.

As agreement, ceasefires, and peace talks have come and gone, mollification of Palestinian dreams and their active pursuit of those dreams is not likely. This observation is not merely theoretical, but an historical viewpoint, situated in the contemporary and daily acts of resistance--be they violent or non-violent-- among the rubric of yet another "ceasefire."

Neither is Israel behaving with measures consistent with the term. Sunday, July 2^nd hosted 8 Palestinian deaths. Israeli rockets assassinated three, two were shot by Israeli soldiers, one died of wounds sustained three days earlier by Israeli bullets in Gaza, and two women died of heart attacks while being held at checkpoints on their way to receive emergency hospital services. These events and lost lives are called "ceasefire" in Israel-Palestinian context and shed light on the machinations of the agreements themselves. What is done in secret will be made known in public, for a tree is known by its fruit.

The Voice of Israel radio reported this evening that in separate incidents 2 female Jewish-Israeli settlers were ambushed and shot while driving today. The report indicated that they did nothing wrong; they were simply driving along the road, minding their business. Many times in recent past were settlers shot—and sometimes killed—while doing daily tasks such as driving to the grocery store, picking up their children from school, or going to work.

In the framework of daily duties and ambush, the injured/killed Israeli is innocent, to be sympathized with, moral, and rational. Moreover, the Palestinian ambusher is condemned, a terrorist, immoral, and irrational. This maneuvering lends clear support to one side, over against the other, by those we shall call observers.

Understood in this way, analysis and conclusions are relatively uncomplicated. Being that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the richest conundrums on the planet, uncomplicated conclusions should be held as suspect.

With only a brief summary of the political substance of "settlement" and "settler" in Israeli-Palestinian context, we see that the simple framework of daily duties and ambush abstract the situation from the much more potent, caustic, and socially abrasive helix in which the terms "settlement" and " settler" derive their meaning.

"Settlement" in Israeli-Palestinian politics is a self-contained, Jewish-only community, built on land that has been forcibly expropriated from its Palestinian owner(s) in territory that is to comprise a Palestinian state. Depending on the location, these settlements are military outposts, especially when they are constructed next door (literally), down the path, or in close proximity to established Palestinian villages. Barbed wire may surround the settlement; entry may only be through a steel gate. Often the leadership of the settlement is armed with M-16s. Watchtowers are built for observation and firing upon Palestinians who come too close. Tanks can be stationed upon the hilltops surrounding settlements to fire into neighboring Palestinian villages. One man I met living in Beit Jala, adjacent to Bethlehem, described from his bombed out house that he still owns 16.25 acres of land across the valley in what is now the Jewish-only settlement of Gilo. His land and home were confiscated, along with the rest of the villagers, around 1970. So, he moved across the valley, into the other half of Beit Jala. There he built a beautiful house that provided for 25 people. It was hit with 32 rockets from Israeli military personnel in Gilo and is imaginably beyond repair. Each day he wakes up, he looks across the valley, a half kilometre away, to see where he and his ancestors had lived until their land was occupied by Israel. For him and his family, their dispossession was not a one-time event. It is contemporary and current in their geographical proximity to that which was taken from them.

As the settlements dot the landscape of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem in wide geographical expanse, huge tracts of land must also be confiscated to build roads connecting the settlements to each other and to Israel proper. These roads are called by-pass roads, are usually constructed through open lands that Palestinians used for farming or grazing, and are designated for usage by Jewish-Israelis only. The overall effect of these roads for Palestinians is the further division of their territory into smaller parcels, leaving territorial continuity for a future state—a future state, moreover—in question. For Jewish-Israelis, they gain another mouthful of land that few people in the world recognize as belonging to Israel.

Compounded to settlements and by-pass roads is the further confiscation of land on either side of the by-pass roads. Here we see a third layer to the chain of land expropriation. This aspect of the process is accomplished through a declaration that these areas are closed military zones. This declaration is made in an attempt to pre-empt Palestinian attacks on Israeli settlers using these roads. As noted above, many attacks occur on Jewish-Israeli citizens using these roads to accomplish their daily duties.

"Settler" is a term to describe the residents of the "settlements" or those for whom the settlement is built. The impetus for expanding settlements and creating new ones, however, is not a bursting demographic problem in the current borders of Israel. Settlements are built and then people are found to inhabit them. From personal experience it appears that many of the settlers originate in the US, are affluent, and often define the far right borders of Israeli society, politically and/or religiously.

So we see from this brief account the personal, familial, communal, and national affront the settlements and the settlers are to Palestinian sustainability and aspirations on various levels. Settlement by settlement, by-pass road and by-pass road, Palestinian dreams are being gnawed away, all under the guise of innocent state building, morality, and rationality. In this light, there can be no such thing as a settler (referred to as ordinary citizen) doing ordinary and daily duties in a settlement (often referred to as a Jewish neighborhood) or on the by-pass roads. These are explosive sores, which comprise the heart of the conflict; the expansion of one entity at the expense of another.

Another conclusion to be gleaned is the role of the Palestinian who ambushes the settlers with rocks or gunfire. Who, if they are honest, would say that if their only home and land were forcibly taken from them—so that those who have willingly left homes and land elsewhere for ideological/religious could have a place to live—would not fight by all means to get it back? This is the core of the situation surrounding Palestinian villages and towns with neighboring settlements and settlers. Given this understanding, rationale, sympathy, innocence, and morality may be more equally distributed. The earlier clarity we had in labelling the sides as rational, moral, and innocent is now much more wobbly and complicated, if not turned upside down.

One final aspect is the legitimacy, however superficial, of the numerous military facilities, outposts, and training camps in Palestinian territory that is measured as security for the settlements. The deployment of large numbers of Israeli military personnel and equipment in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem is predicated on these settlements and their protection as included in the state of Israel. Settlements, settlers, and the militarization of Palestinian land by Israel flow together in a smooth, unchallenged stream.

This arrangement becomes the mechanism by which control over the Palestinian population is exerted. The presence of the Israeli military in Palestinian land is veiled in "security" for settlements, whose main function is to consume more land for Israel and, the other side of the coin, to dispossess Palestine from its people. In this light the settlers are not just pursuing their religious or political dreams, but being pawned by or coordinating efforts with the Israeli state to legitimize the takeover of Palestinian land.

In conclusion, it is my opinion that there must always be a distinction made between the settlements and Israel proper. The former are the crux of the conflict and its perpetuation, whose abandonment in totality will greatly increase the likelihood for a sustainable, collective, and working agreement between the sides. The latter is not in question, in my opinion, however difficult that sounds to the now millions of Palestinian refugees whose land and homes were/are inside the borders (according to the 1949 armistice lines). This does not mean that a continued, non-violent and legal struggle for certain areas within Israel should be given up. However, to wish to return in totality to times prior to the existence of the state of Israel also perpetuates the conflict by the non-acceptance of historical events and the will to expand one’s own community at the expense of the other. This methodology is exactly what I am arguing against as I believe to live in a working relationship in any setting one must recognize the concerns and fears of the other, not attempt to abolish the other. Therefore, the settlements must cease to expand and be created, and the ones that are now in use must be abandoned for any form of agreement to be reached.

Now we can more accurately assess the "routine, daily activities" of Jewish-Israeli settlers who are attacked by Palestinians in the course of the ordinary. We can also begin to see the rationale behind the attacks that occur on these settlers while in the occupied Palestinian Territories. Let us move on to interpret these activities in a more accurate fashion as we listen to and read reports of these interchanges that will be sure to come, at least until the occupation ends.